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New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
sident) he said in a letter dated July 6, 1859: My main object in such conversation would be to hedge against divisions in the Republican ranks generally, and particularly for the contest of 1860. The point of danger is the temptation in different localities to platform for something which will be popular just there, but which, nevertheless, will be a firebrand elsewhere, and especially in a national convention. As instances: the movement against foreigners in Massahlusetts; in New Hampshire, to make obedience to the fugitive-slave law punishable as a crime; in Ohio, to repeal the fugitive-slave law; and squatter sovereignty, in Kansas. In these things there is explosive matter enough to blow up half a dozen national conventions, if it gets into them; and what gets very rife outside of conventions is very likely to find its way into them. And again, to another warm friend in Columbus, Ohio, he wrote in a letter dated July 28, 1859: There is another thing our frie
Freeport (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
new territory unless slavery were first prohibited therein. In their second joint debate at Freeport, Lincoln answered that he was pledged to none of these propositions, except the prohibition of not the criticism of the Republicans, but the view taken by Southern Democratic leaders, of his Freeport doctrine, or doctrine of unfriendly legislation. His opposition to the Lecompton Constitution might yet be passed over as a reckless breach of party discipline; but this new announcement at Freeport was unpardonable doctrinal heresy, as rank as the abolitionism of Giddings and Lovejoy. The Freeport joint debate took place August 27, 1858. When Congress convened on the first Monday in December of the same year, one of the first acts of the Democratic senators was to put him under partyng, however, availed him nothing, as he felt himself obliged in the same speeches to defend his Freeport doctrine. Having taken his seat in Congress, Senator Brown of Mississippi, toward the close of
Springfield, Mo. (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
o have selected and pitted these two champions against each other. Therefore, when the Illinois State convention on June 16, 1858, passed by acclamation a separate resolution, That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas, it only recorded the well-known judgment of the party. After its routine work was finished, the convention adjourned to meet again in the hall of the State House at Springfield at eight o'clock in the evening. At that hour Mr. Lincoln appeared before the assembled delegates and delivered a carefully studied speech, which has become historic. After a few opening sentences, he uttered the following significant prediction: A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect it will cease to be
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
the Committee on Territories, a position he had held for eleven years. In due time, also, the Southern leaders broke up the Charleston convention rather than permit him to be nominated for President; and, three weeks later, Senator Benjamin of Louisiana frankly set forth, in a Senate speech, the light in which they viewed his apostacy: We accuse him for this, to wit: that having bargained with us upon a point upon which we were at issue, that it should be considered a judicial point; thes, and in speeches made by him at Memphis, at New Orleans, and at Baltimore sought to regain the confidence of Southern politicians by taking decidedly advanced ground toward Southern views on the slavery question. On the sugar plantations of Louisiana, he said, it was not a question between the white man and the negro, but between the negro and the crocodile. He would say that between the negro and the crocodile, he took the side of the negro; but between the negro and the white man, he wou
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
come. Lincoln's speech excited the greatest interest everywhere throughout the free States. The grave peril he so clearly pointed out came home to the people of the North almost with the force of a revelation; and thereafter their eyes were fixed upon the Illinois senatorial campaign with undivided attention. Another incident also drew to it the equal notice and interest of the politicians of the slave States. Within a month from the date of Lincoln's speech, Douglas returned from Washington and began his campaign of active speech-making in Illinois. The fame he had acquired as the champion of the Nebraska Bill, and, more recently, the prominence into which his opposition to the Lecompton fraud had lifted him in Congress, attracted immense crowds to his meetings, and for a few days it seemed as if the mere contagion of popular enthusiasm would submerge all intelligent political discussion. To counteract this, Mr. Lincoln, at the advice of his leading friends, sent him a lett
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
. Adding to these many other indications of current politics, Mr. Lincoln proceeded: Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits. . Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. . . . We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free, and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To avert this danger, Mr. Lincoln declared it was the duty of Republicans to overthrow both Douglas and the Buchanan political dynasty. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against u
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ss nor a territorial legislature could exclude slavery from any United States territory. The President had declared Kansas to be already prans, except the prohibition of slavery in all Territories of the United States. In turn he propounded four questions to Douglas, the second of which was: Can the people of a United States Territory in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclUnited States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? Mr. Lincoln had long and carefully studied the import and effs without police regulations in almost every instance; 2. That United States courts were established to protect and enforce rights under thehe is the candidate of a mighty party for the presidency of the United States. The senator from Illinois faltered. He got the prize for whin ignoble price, has cost him the loss of the presidency of the United States. In addition to the seven joint debates, both Lincoln and D
Jefferson City (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
is phraseology so apt and fresh, that they held the attention and excited comment. A letter written by him in answer to an invitation to attend a celebration of Jefferson's birthday in Boston, contains some notable passages: Soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson from total overthrow in this Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but, nevertheless, he would fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied and evaded with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them glittering generalities. Another bluntly calls them self-evident lies. And others insidiously argue that they apply to superior races. These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect — the supplanting the principles of free government,
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 9
f feeling or utterance, are well illustrated by the temperate criticism he made of it a few months later: John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts, related in history, at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were; in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two things.
Central America (search for this): chapter 9
ted by slave labor; on the other, by white labor. That line did not run on 360 and 30 [the Missouri Compromise line], for 360 and 30 runs over mountains and through valleys. But this slave line, he said, meanders in the sugar-fields and plantations of the South, and the people living in their different localities and in the Territories must determine for themselves whether their middle belt were best adapted to slavery or free labor. He advocated the eventual annexation of Cuba and Central America. Still going a step further, he-laid down a far-reaching principle. It is a law of humanity, he said, a law of civilization, that whenever a man or a race of men show themselves incapable of managing their own affairs. they must consent to be governed by those who are capable of performing the duty. . . . In accordance with this principle, I assert that the negro race, under all circumstances, at all times, and in all countries, has shown itself incapable of self-government. Th
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