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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 66 results in 21 document sections:

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ger to retrieve this disaster, although it may divert her from the scheme, which has been suggested to her, of punishing England a little while longer. The exultation of the South can only be understood by those who may see it; and if the Federal Gt--he wasn't there. Yet his story will be received as Times' gospel, not to be gainsayed, by hundreds of thousands in England, while the contradiction, if it ever reaches there, will come as a stale American apology, unworthy of belief. De W. Withe least reputable portion of the press in the United States, generally conducted by aliens or persons who have left Great Britain from cause--it is felt that the result of the action must have very strong influences over the fortunes of the conten inflict on the North that with which they have been menaced by the Cabinet of Washington and its supporters. What will England and France think of it? is the question which is asked over and over again. The news must go forth in its most unfavor
fighting for objects really dear to them. If England or France were invading the Northern States, rsal liberty. But we trust that the press of England, as a whole, will make it to be felt wherevery and the justice of a six-pound franchise in England are to be determined by the merits of the con by the great producing countries, France and England. One of the first consequences of this unforty great artery of communication which pierces England from one extremity to the other acknowledges ture of that article is the staple produce of England — becomes small by degrees and beautifully leaw of nature, self-preservation, would compel England and France to force the blockade of the Southwould be impossible to preserve peace between England and France. These attacks were not levelled the recent battle of Bull Run, would say that England preferred the pursuit of cotton to the obliga impartial neutrality. For simply doing this England has been abused and vilified by the Northern [1 more...]
vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity. Fearless as they were, boldly as they faced death in every battle-field, nobly as they defied the mighty power of England, then almost the. mistress of the world, and gloriously as they triumphed over it — philosophically as in the closet and at the council board they meditated on the future of their country — they could not bring themselves, they had not the heartse States possibly look to a re-opening of the slave trade; some of them, we know, have often recommended it. Vain the hope! The horrid traffic is condemned by the judgment of the civilized world, and accursed of God. The feeling against it in England and France. is too strong to be disregarded by these Governments, if they were so disposed, as they certainly are not. They would not permit its revival by these few feeble States, and if persisted in by them, would prohibit and punish it, even
negro slavery established and recognized, as the true basis of society and government in all staple-growing countries. I thought the North would see and follow its interests. I thought Europe would do the same, and supposed it had done it when England agreed to recognize us as belligerents, which is all the recognition I want. But isms seem to have the whip-hand of reason and interest. If Russell did write what is extracted from his sixth letter, and Lord John did say that our privateers she whole world up to its isms. Without any uselessly harsh expressions, we should quietly take the ground that if our exports are not wanted we can live within ourselves, and it shall be prohibited to send them abroad. Let them try that, and if England breaks the blockade for cotton, rice, and tobacco, make her say Please, sir, under the guns of our forts before she shall have a pound of any thing. Among all the extraordinary events of the last few months, the most surprising, the most marv
they then organized and consolidated themselves into one nation. Nearly the whole body of them were immigrants from Great Britain, or their descendants. They all acknowledged allegiance to the British crown, from which they had received their possessions and their chartered privileges; and all looked to the common law of England for the regulation and maintenance of their individual rights of persons and property. Trade between the Colonies was unrestrained. An inhabitant of one Colony mi with partial exceptions, of the same religious faith, and read in their common language the same Bible. The history of England was the history of their fathers and their ancestral institutions, and whatever of glory was there written was their com the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyr
the port of Liverpool with my vessel, and the British Government seize it, it is an act which would justify war upon Great Britain, and would lead to it if the wrong should not .be redressed. Will it not, then, be an act of war on the part of Virgssion, we shall weaken, if not destroy it. If the war which disunion is to bring with it shall continue for a few years, England and France, cut off from their supplies of American cotton, will seek them from other sources; and as it is well ascertaica, the West Indies, and other parts of the globe, the new sources of supply will be found. India already furnishes to England, per annum, 600,000 bales. And the high prices which the article will command during the continuance of the war, and the opening of railroads to transport it to the sea, will so stimulate the production that, before the lapse of many years, England and France will not be dependent on the Southern States for their supplies and the Southern cotton monopoly being thus g
in part from private factories of our own country, instead of making purchases from abroad. As rifled cannon are, in point of effectiveness, far superior to smooth-bored, arrangements have been made to rifle a large portion of the guns on hand, and the work is still in progress. Some patriotic American citizens resident in Europe, fearing that the country might not have a sufficient supply, purchased on their own responsibility, through cooperation with the United States Ministers to England and France, a number of improved cannon and muskets, and, at your instance, this department accepted the drafts drawn to defray the outlay thus assumed. A perfect battery of six Whitworth twelve-pounder rifled cannon, with three thousand rounds of ammunition, the munificent donation of sympathizing friends in Europe, has also been received from England. It will be necessary for Congress, either at its approaching special, or at its next annual session, to adopt measures for the reorgani
ese officers, generally of great experience and intelligence, and occupying the highest position in the merchant service, have voluntarily come forward and offered themselves for useful duty on board our public vessels, where they are contributing to the efficiency of the Navy. iron-Clad steamers, or floating batteries. Much attention has been given, within the last few years, to the subject of floating batteries, or iron-clad steamers. Other governments, and particularly France and England, have made it a special object, in connection with naval improvements; and the ingenuity and inventive faculties of our own countrymen have also been stimulated, by recent occurrences, towards the construction of this class of vessels. The period is, perhaps, not one best adapted to heavy expenditures by the way of experiment, and the time and attention of some of those who are most competent to investigate and form correct conclusions on this subject, are otherwise employed. I would, how
by the violent assumptions in the prosecution of the will of the American despot, of lawless powers which the people of England would never have permitted to the King. The resistance of the South has been based on the same eternal principles whiey recommended the several colonial governments no longer to consider themselves as exercising any power derived from Great Britain, but to adopt such governments as the people of each should consider most advisable. On the very day on which this rt it into action before the 4th of July, 1776. The preamble recited that, by reason of the oppression of the King of Great Britain, all civil authority under him is necessarily at an end, and a dissolution of government in each colony has consequenreat deal of energy in some of the Middle States, particularly New York, for confiscating the estates of adherents to Great Britain. The Fourth of July is, therefore, pre-eminently an anniversary to be preserved and commemorated by the adherents
ecency of discussion, he trusted, than has sometimes been exhibited here. The present war he knew to be a foregone conclusion; but there are questions connected with it about which he felt impelled to speak. The President in his recent Message demands the enormous loan of $400,000,000, an amount nearly ten times greater than the entire public debt-State and Federal-at the close of the Revolution in 1783, and four times as much as the total indebtedness during the three years war with Great Britain in 1812. The Constitution — to which he gave his whole heart and utmost loyalty-gave to Congress alone the power to call for money, and to fix the purposes to which it shall be applied, and it expressly limits appropriations to the term of two years. Each Senator and member therefore must judge for himself, upon his conscience and oath, and before God and the country, of the wisdom, and justice, and policy, of the President's demand. Whenever this House shall become a mere machine wh
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