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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 13 results in 10 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
who was soon to join the rebellion, and Andrew Johnson, Sumner, July 24, in asking to have Johnson's resolution as to the objects of the war lie over, took occasion to express great respect for him. who stood almost alone among them as a Southern man of positive loyalty. The seceded States were not represented. Among Northern senators were Wilson of Massachusetts, Morrill and Fessenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampshire, Foot and Collamer of Vermont, Preston King of New York, Wilmot of Pennsylvania, Trumbull of Illinois, Wade and Sherman of Ohio, and Chandler of Michigan. The presence most missed was that of Douglas, who died June 3. The session of July 9 was set apart for eulogies on Douglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributes to deceased associates, remained silent. The committee on foreign relations consisted of Sumner (chairman), Collamer, Doolittle of Wisconsin, Wilmot, Browning of Illinois, Polk of Missouri, and Breckinridge.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
s an important event. New York Tribune, Nov. 8, 1862; Jan. 16, 1863. The last notice reviewed his 4 career, and contrasted the circumstances of his first entrance into the Senate in 1851 and his present position. Other States were not as steadfast as Massachusetts in 1862. The Administration was outvoted in New York and New Jersey,—States which had chosen Republican electors, and now elected governors Horatio Seymour and Joel Parker. hostile to it; and it encountered defeat in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Several causes contributed to this disaster,—chiefly the want of success in the field, the incidents of increased taxation, derangement in the currency, and the imminency of a draft. The disaster on the Rappahannock was at hand. Greeley gives the opinion in his History that during the year following July 4, 1862, a majority of the people, outside of the soldiers in the field, would have voted for peace, and a still larger majority against emancipation.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
he question was settled by the Chicago treason. The fear of an adverse decision of the people in November, felt by Mr. Lincoln himself as well as by others, vanished with the victories of our army in Georgia, which culminated in the evacuation of Atlanta by the rebels on the night of the day of McClellan's nomination. Mr. Lincoln carried the electoral vote of all the States except three,—Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey; but McClellan's vote was very large in some States, as New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. It is curious to observe how in a few months, when death had set its seal on a great character, Mr. Lincoln's honest critics became his sincere eulogists,—notably Bryant, Greeley, Bancroft, Andrew, and Sumner. Sumner read to the writer, in May, 1865, at his mother's house in Boston, some parts of his eulogy on Lincoln as he was preparing it. When reminded that he had sometimes spoken of the President in a different tone, he answered: Well, Mr. Lincoln was indeed the author
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
session, was to be carried at the next, the bill containing it being passed over the President's veto. July 27, Dec. 14 and 19, 1866; Jan. 8, 1867; Works, vol. x. pp. 504-523. When the bill first passed the House, July 27, 1866, Kelley of Pennsylvania objected to the exclusion of colored men from the suffrage, and among the minority who voted against the bill were distinguished Republicans—Allison, Boutwell, Eliot, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Morrill, Stevens, and E. B. Washburne. Sumnertrade there does not seem to be any general feeling. This question will be settled for some time by the necessities of our position, without much reference to principles. My own people, originally strong protectionists, are silent now. It is Pennsylvania which is clamorous, and the balance of parties in this important State makes the question one of political power. I read the Times constantly. The perversions of its correspondent about our affairs are as great now as during the war, onl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
. The retaliatory provisions of the bill encountered earnest remonstrance in the louse from its foremost members,—Jenckes of Rhode Island, Eliot and Dawes of Massachusetts, Woodbridge of Vermont, Baker and Judd of Illinois, and Schofield of Pennsylvania. The first three did their best in debate to eliminate the obnoxious feature from the measure. Garfield read, as in conflict with it, the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution; but Banks could not see the point. At last, when the vote wad this plan, which became known with its friends as the Ohio idea, and with its opponents as the rag baby. Republicans in the West were carried away by the frenzy, but they came out of it sooner than the Democrats; The general sentiment of Pennsylvania corresponded with that of the West. Henry C. Carey wrote Sumner, Dec. 9, 1868, in opposition to a contraction of the currency; and the last words of Thaddeus Stevens in the House, within a month before his death, were for the payment of the f
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
ong those who wrote to Sumner in terms of unstinted praise were H. B. Anthony, senator; F. T. Frelinghuysen, ex-senator; E. D. Morgan, former governor of New York; John H. Clifford, former governor of Massachusetts; John M. Read, the jurist of Pennsylvania; and James Russell Lowell. The current of opinion was the same in the press. The leaders of the New York journals laid stress on the senator's judicial treatment of the question, his calm and friendly tone, and his pacific spirit. New Yorl. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recogn
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
ident. October 15. Works, vol. XIV. pp. 1-5. Immediately after the meeting he started on a lecturing tour, which filled the interval until the session in December. After the labors and vexations of the last session, almost any one else would have insisted on repose; but he was anxious to meet expenses in Washington without incurring debt or diminishing his capital. He appeared thirty-eight times before audiences in the States of Massachusetts, Rode Island, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Illinois. He spoke twice in each of the three cities,—Philadelphia, Brooklyn, and Chicago. His fees ranged from two hundred dollars to four hundred dollars an evenining, and the net result above expenses exceeded seven thousand dollars. He used sometimes, with his audiences, his address on Lafayette, which he had delivered ten years before; but generally he gave a lecture prepared in the autumn on the war between France and Prussia, in which he treated the opening events,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
o the President's too good opinion of men of easy virtue and his lax treatment of them when they were found out. This came to be the opinion of the American people, who, ever grateful for his service in the army and ready to confer on him any military rank or emolument, were determined in the purpose not to prolong his civil administration by a third election, either at the end of his second term or after the intervening term of his immediate successor. The Republican State convention of Pennsylvania, nearly a year before his second term expired, took a definite position against a third term for the President in a resolution which called out a reply from him, May 29, 1875. New York Tribune, May 31, 1875. He declined a re-election, but there was in his letter an underlying tone of regret that such an announcement from him had been expected. The New York Tribune, June 1, went so far as to say of the letter, It has shown to all intelligent people his desire for a third term and his
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873—March 11, 1874. (search)
from it. No one in this Senate was so familiar as he with all the laws and usages that govern our intercourse with foreign nations. He was deeply interested in questions affecting the internal improvement of the country, and of late years has carefully studied all financial questions, and has contributed to their solution. In the House the eulogies, cordial and affectionate like those of the Senate, were from Dawes and the brothers Hoar of Massachusetts, Conger of Michigan, Kelley of Pennsylvania, Phillips of Kansas, Rainey of South Carolina, Nesmith of Oregon, and notably Lamar of Mississippi, a former Confederate officer. The Boston Advertiser, April 29, 1874, singled out Mr. Lamar's tribute as the most significant and hopeful utterance that has been heard from the South since the war. Nesmith, a Democrat, who had served with him in the Senate and was rarely in accord with him in that body, closed his eulogy thus:— His chair in the Senate, to which all eyes were turned
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
on the proposed extension of time. Miss Seward's fidelity to facts will be understood on recurring to her article, where she says that the matter was never brought before the Senate, and may be said to have been smothered in committee! The record, as now open to the public, it may be added, shows Mr. Sumner's faithful attention to the business in repeated motions for references of documents. Of the committee on foreign relations to which the St. Thomas treaty was referred, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Patterson of New Hampshire, and Harlan of Iowa, alone survive. Their testimony has been requested by the writer, and after a reading of Miss Seward's Episode, is cordially given. It should be read in the light of her charges and insinuations of smothering and dishonorable reticence, and her assumption that the argument for the acquisition was so self-evident and conclusive that it became morally impossible to report openly against it, and that neither the committee nor any senator coul