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Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 5 3 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 31. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 5 3 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 1. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 5 1 Browse Search
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley) 4 0 Browse Search
Ernest Crosby, Garrison the non-resistant 4 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays 4 0 Browse Search
John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Unwritten Story of Army Life 4 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4 4 0 Browse Search
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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Modern Chivalry — a Manifesto. (search)
mber proximo, on the beautiful banks of the Rio Nueces. All difficulties are to vanish before the energetic analyses of the Americans; and in the opinion of Sir George Bickley, K. G. C., the entire Mexican army will fly like cravens from the very first round of pure syntheticisms to which he proposes to subject it; nor do we blame him if, as he admits, at such a prospect, his heart swells. We should think it would. We do not wonder, when thus he meditates the easy glories of charge, with Webster in one hand and Worcester in the other, that he also declares that unless his gallant knights do their duty, future ages may well reprobate our dereliction. Our own opinion is that future ages will by no means let them off so easily; and will be satisfied with nothing less than penalties only to be expressed in words of ten syllables. Sir George touches upon one exceedingly interesting point. All adventurers who leave the scenes of their nativity to grapple with fortune in foreign land
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture I. Introductory remarks on the subject of African slavery in the United States. (search)
idence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public thought and feeling have, t<
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture IV: the question of rights discussed. (search)
ich are in truth oftener applied to express different shades of meaning, than this word rights. Webster gives correctly some forty different meanings of this term, together with several subordinate se idea, we have of the good in that case. The right, then, is the good. Right, rectus, says Webster, straightness, rectitude ; which he explains to be conformity to rule or law, and that the will cases. Hence conformity to this rule is the generic idea of the right in itself, according to Webster. In this view, Horne Tooke, in his Diversions of Purley, concurs. As his criticism is ingenioered by their superiors. See his whole article on Rights. Thus he is found to agree with Webster, that the will of God is the ultimate genus of the right. That is right, which conforms to theDr. Paley, (who also concurs in this view — see his article Rights, in his Moral Philosophy,) Dr. Webster, with many others of great distinction, strangely err, not in their etymology of this word, b
Vii. The Missouri struggle. Scott Clay Pinkney P. P. Barbour Webster John W. Taylor Thomas — the Compromise. when the State of Louisiana, previously known as the Territory of Orleans, was admitted into the Union, April 8, 1812. the remainder of the Louisiana purchase, which had formerly borne the designation of Louisiana Territory, was renamed the Territory of Missouri. The people of a portion of this Territory, stretching westward from the Mississippi on both sides of the river Missouri, petitioned Congress for admission into the Union as the State of Missouri; and their memorials On the 16th of March, 1818. were referred by the House to a Select Committee, whereof Mr. Scott, their delegate, was chairman. This Committee reported April 3d. a bill in accordance with their prayer, which was read twice and committed; but no further action was taken thereon during that session. The same Congress reconvened for its second session on the 16th of the followi
ights—Nullification. Nullification Hayne Webster Jackson Calhoun Georgia and the Indiana. So lirer, November 1, 1814. and antagoistic parties. Mr. Webster, Debate on Foot's resolutions, January 26, 1830.and that this interposition is constitutional. Mr. Webster resumed:--So, Sir, I understood the gentleman, anbate, and finished the doctrine of Nullification, Mr. Webster said: Sir, if I were to concede to the gentlehe time of his great debate on Nullification with Mr. Webster. Each entered Congress before attaining his thirirmed were those propounded by Hayne and refuted by Webster in the great debate already noticed. The Tariff Nullifiers were an overwhelming majority, elected Mr. Webster's luckless antagonist, Robert Y. Hayne, Governor any ever propounded by Hamilton, by Marshall, or by Webster himself. After reciting the purport and effect oat the last moment, seemed exceedingly doubtful. Mr. Webster forcibly urged that no concession should be made
ted debate, mainly by Southern senators, Mr. Calhoun's motion to reject was defeated by a vote to receive the petition — Yeas 35, Nays 10, as follows: Yeas: Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Illinois, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Linn, McKean, Morris, Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, Webster, Wright. Nays: Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuthbert, Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Porter, Preston, Walker, White. In the House, February 5, 1836. Mr. Henry L. Pinckney, of South Carolina, submitted the following resolve: Resolved, That all the memorials which have been offered, or may hereafter be presented to this House, praying for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia, and also the resolutions offered by an honorable member from Maine (Mr. Jarvis), with the amendment th
Xii. Texas and her Annexation. Sam. Houston M. Hunt Webster T. W. Gilmer Jackson J. Q. Adams Van Buren Clay Benton Polk Tyler Calhoun. the nve Power had made sacrifices to wrest Texas from Mexico — with what intent? Mr. Webster, in his speech at Niblo's Garden, March 15, 1837, thus cautiously, but with at originally selected by Gen. Harrison--peremptorily resigned their places, Mr. Webster alone excepted, who retained the position of Secretary of State until May, 1e New England Senators; but one voting in favor of the measure; and, indeed, Mr. Webster has been bold enough, in a public speech recently delivered in New York to mverwhelming. This language, coming from so distinguished an individual as Mr. Webster, so familiar with the feelings of the North, and entertaining so high a respentirely disregard the efforts of the fanatics, and the efforts of such men as Webster. and others who countenance such dangerous doctrines. The Northern States
3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, had on the first ballot 111 votes for President to 97 for Henry Clay, 43 for General Scott, 22 for Mr. Webster, and 6 scattering. On the fourth ballot (next day), Gen. Taylor had 171 to 107 for all others, and was declared nominated. Millard Fillmore, of New York, had 115 votes for Vice-President, on the first ballot, to 109 for Abbott Lawrence, of M John Bell, Benton, and every member present from the Slave States, with Messrs. Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Douglas, of Illinois; Bright, of Indiana; Dickinson, of New York; and Fitzgerald, of Michigan, from Free States--to 21 Nays, including Messrs. Webster, of Massachusetts, Hamlin, of Maine, Dix, of New York, and Breese, of Illinois. The bill, thus amended, passed the Senate by 33 Yeas to 22 Nays. But the House, on its return, thus amended, utterly refused (August 11th) to concur in any s
ks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speech the Texas job. Gen.at the South than would have been given for Mr. Webster, or even Mr. Clay. In the Free States, v such determined Slavery Restrictionists as Mr. Webster and Gov. Seward, would insure his politicalidential candidate been one of themselves. Mr. Webster The following are extracts from Mr. WebsteMr. Webster's speech at Abingdon, Mass., Oct. 9, 1848: The gentlemen who have joined this new party, from part of the new Administration. Neither Mr. Webster nor Gov. Seward had a seat in Gen. Taylor'subtless, might have had, had he desired it. Mr. Webster remained in the Senate, where Messrs. Clay eech elicited by these resolves was that of Mr. Webster, March 7, 1850. wherein he took ground aseems not a little remarkable that a man of Mr. Webster's strength should have traversed the whole Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of
Federal Administration, whereof Mr. Fillmore remained the official head, and Mr. Webster became the animating soul, gave prominence and emphasis to the exertions of of such surrender uniformly treated it as a high moral and political duty. Mr. Webster, In his 7th of March speech. in announcing his determination to vote for Mrn intrinsic obligation — of a Divine requirement. Let us suppose, now, that Mr. Webster, while riding on one of the highways near Boston, or near Washington, had enved the Whig platform should be; which, on being presented to the friends of Mr. Webster, was accepted by them, and thus had a majority of the Convention pledged to ot for a Presidential candidate, Mr. Fillmore had 133 votes, Gen. Scott 131, Mr. Webster 29. On the next, Gen. Scott had 133, and Mr. Fillmore but 131. These propo next, he was nominated; having 159 votes to 112 for Mr. Fillmore and 21 for Mr. Webster. William A. Graham, of North Carolina, was, on the second ballot, nominated