Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for November 9th or search for November 9th in all documents.

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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
shed into the building, threw the press out of the window, broke it up, and pitched the pieces into the river. They destroyed no other property, save a few guns. One of them — a doctor — offered to extract the ball from the wounded man's leg; but he declined their assistance. At two o'clock, they had dispersed, and all was again quiet. Mr. Lovejoy's remains were borne away next morning to his dwelling, amid the jeers and scoffs of his murderers. He was buried the day following--Thursday, November 9--the day which, had he been living, would have completed his thirty-fifth year. His wife, who, on account of the critical state of her health, had been sent away from Alton, was unable to attend his funeral. Of their two children, one was born after his death. The defenders of the warehouse, as well as the recognized leaders of their assailants, were respectively indicted for riot, and tried, or rather, Mr. Gilman alone of the defenders was tried; and upon his acquittal the City
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 20 (search)
ing and sustaining influence of the Christian religion — is the earnest prayer of your affectionate husband and father, John Brown. P. S. I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do remember that this is not your rest, that in this world you have no abiding-place or continuing city. To God and His infinite mercy I always commend you. J. B. Nov. 9. During the forty-two days of his confinement at Charlestown, Brown received several visits from sympathizing Northern friends, many of whom had never before seen him. His wife, overcoming many obstacles, was finally permitted to spend a few hours in his cell, and to take supper with him a short time before his death. No Virginians, so far as is known, proffered him any words of kindness, unless it were the reverend clergy of the neighborhood, who tendered him the solace of religion aft
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 22 (search)
the Free and the Slave States, with a united front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution. I believe this is the only way to save it; and we can do it. Gov. Elias N. Conway, of Arkansas, transmitted his Annual Message to the new Legislature of that State on the 19th of November, 1860, when nearly all the Slave States were alive with drumming and drilling, Extract from a letter in The New York Herald of Nov. 9, dated Charleston, Nov. 5, 1860. As a mark of the popular inclination toward resistance, it is a fact of some significance that the echoes of the word coercion had hardly reached our borders before the whole State was bristling with spontaneous organizations of Minute-Men — irregular forces, it is true, but, nevertheless, formidable, because armed to the teeth with weapons to which they have been accustomed from early youth, and animated with the idea that they are defending all tha
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
r of policy and wisdom, therefore, independent of the question of right, we should deem resort to force most disastrous. Mr. Roscoe Conkling attests that, when the proceedings of this Convention reached Washington, they were hailed with undisguised exultation by the Secessionists still lingering in the halls of Congress; one of whom said to him triumphantly, If your President should attempt coercion, he will have more opposition at the North than he can overcome. The New York Herald of November 9th--the third day after that of the Presidential election — in its leading editorial, had said: For far less than this [the election of Lincoln], our fathers seceded from Great Britain; and they left revolution organized in every State, to act whenever it is demanded by public opinion. The confederation is held together only by public opinion. Each State is organized as a complete government, holding the purse and wielding the sword, possessing the right to break the tie of the confeder
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
ast, coordinate with that of the States, is here clearly lost sight of. To say, in effect, to rebels against the National authority, You may expel that authority wholly from your vicinage by killing a few of its leading upholders, and thus terrifying the residue into mute servility to your will, is not the way to suppress a rebellion. The strong point of this Inaugural is its frank and plump denial of the fundamental Secession dogma that our Union is a league, The New York Herald of November 9th, contained an instructive letter dated Charleston, November 5th, 1860, from which the following is an extract: It must be understood that there is a radical difference in the patriotism of a Northerner and a Southerner. The Northerner invariably considers himself as a citizen of the Union; he regards the Federal army and navy as his country's army and navy, and looks upon the Government at Washington as a great consolidated organization, of which he forms an integral part, and to whi