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Browsing named entities in Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 8-10 (ed. Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D.).

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The same year had a dictator in theB.C. 305 person of Publius Cornelius Scipio, the master of the horse being Publius Decius Mus. These men held a consular election —for to this end they had been appointed, since neither consul had been able to leave the seat of war. The consuls chosen were Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Minucius. PisoLucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the annalist, cos. 133 B.C. makes these men follow Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, omitting the two years in which we have placed the consulship of Claudius and Volumnius and that of Cornelius and Marcius. whether in the redaction of his annals he forgot them, or omitted two sets of consuls purposely, as not authentic, is uncertain. in that year also the Samnites made forays upon the Campus StellatisThis was a tract forming part of the Ager Falernus, later celebrated for its choice wine. in Campania. both consuls were accordingly dispatched into Samnium in different directions, Postumius m
hrown down to release the chariots at the start of the race. The war with Privernum was not yet out of the way, when there came an alarming report of a Gallic rising, a warning which the senate almost never disregarded. accordingly, without a moment's hesitation, the new consuls, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus and Gaius Plautius, were directed, on the very day on which they entered office —the Kalends of JulyJuly 1st was the normal day for beginning the official year from 391 B.C. to 153 B.C., when it was changed to January 1st. —to divide the commands between them, and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war had fallen, was bidden to enlist an army without granting a single exemption; indeed it is said that a rabble of craftsmen even, and sedentary mechanics, was called out —a type the least qualified of all for military service. An enormous army was brought together at Veii, which was to be the base for the campaign against the Gauls; further afield they would not go, l<
ntroduced, by the same family in every instance.For the earlier laws de provocatione, see II. viii. 2, and III. Iv. 4. The reason for renewing it more than once was, I think, simply this, that the wealth of a few carried more power than the liberty of the plebs. yet the Porcian law alone seems to have been passed to protect the persons of the citizens, imposing, as it did, a heavy penalty if anyone should scourge or put to death a Roman citizen.This law was not passed until (probably) 198 B.C., at the instance of the elder Cato, who was then praetor. The Valerian law, having forbidden that he who had appealed should be scourged with rodsB.C. 299 or beheaded, merely provided that if anyone should disregard these injunctions it should be deemed a wicked act. this seemed, I suppose, a sufficiently strong sanction of the law, so modest were men in those days; at the present time one would hardly utter such a threat in earnest. The same consul conducted an insig
heaped upon the walls. after summoning all of military age to take the oath, the dictator was dispatched to the army, and there found everything more tranquil than he had expected and reduced to order by the careful measures of the master of the horse. The camp had been withdrawn to a safer site, the cohorts that had lost their standards had been left outside the rampart without tents,By way of punishment for their cowardice. cf. the punishment meted out to his soldiers in 209 B.C. by Marcellus (XXVII. xiii. 9). and the army was eager for battle, that it might the sooner wipe out its disgrace. accordingly he advanced without delay into the district of Rusellae.In Western Etruria, on the river Umbro. to this place the enemy followed him; and although in consequence of their success they had every confidence in their ability to cope with the Romans even in the open field, yet they also attempted an ambuscade, which they had successfully essayed before. not f
and it was left for darkness, as though descending on a battle —field, to end the struggle. The master of the horse was commanded to appear next day; but since everyone assured him that Papirius would be more violent than ever, aroused as he was and exasperated by the opposition he had met with, he slipped out of the camp and fled to Rome. there, with the approval of his father, who had thrice been consul, and dictator to boot, he at once assembled the senate,It was not until 216 B.C. that the senate was a second time convened by a master of the horse (xxiii. xxv. 3). and had reached, in his speech to the senators, the very point where he was complaining of the violence and injury offered him by the dictator, when a sudden noise was heard outside the Curia, as the lictors cleared the way, and Papirius himself, in high dudgeon, appeared before them; for he had learned of the other's departure from the camp, and taking a troop of light horse had pursued him. Th
e friendly relations established with the aristocracy of Capua. The Laurentes and the Campanian knights were exempted from the punishment inflicted on the Latins, because they had not revolted; it was ordered that the treaty with the Laurentes should be renewed, and it has been renewed every year from that time, on the tenth day after the Latin Festival. The Campanian knights received Roman citizenship, and to commemorate the occasion a bronze tablet was fastened up in the temple of Castor at Rome.Castor and Pollux were protectors of the Roman knights and hence appropriately chosen as patrons of the friendly relations established with the aristocracy of Capua. moreover, theB.C. 340 Campanian people were commanded to pay them each a yearly stipend —there were sixteen hundred of them —amounting to four hundred and fifty denarii.The denarius was a silver coin weighing 70 grains Troy and reckoned as equivalent to 16 asses. but silver was not coined in Rome until 268 B.C.
rious enemy were charging their disordered ranks. but all was quickly changed by the arrival of the consul. for the sight of their general revived the spirits of the soldiers, and the brave men who followed him were a greater succour than their numbers indicated; and the tidings of their comrades' victory, which they soon saw for themselves, restored the battle. presently the Romans had begun to conquer all along the line, while the Samnites, giving up the struggle, were massacred or made prisoners, except those who fled to Maleventum, the city which is now called Beneventum.The city, which was a Greek colony, was called Malovei/s, which meant sheeptown (or, perhaps, appletown). The Romans corrupted the accusative case, Malove/nta, to Maleventum, which they regarded as derived from male and ,venire, and then, to avoid the omen, changed it to Beneventum when they planted a colony there, 268 B.C. tradition avers that some thirty thousand Samnites were slain or captured.
ome timeB.C. 304 before to act as secretary, having been already a tribune, and on two occasions a triumvir, once on the commission which had charge of the night —watch,These were commonly called tresviri capitales, and were police commissioners, who besides the duty referred to in the text, were charged with assisting the magistrates who had criminal jurisdiction, and particularly with executing sentences of death. Liv. per. xi. would indicate that the office was not introduced until about 289 B.C. and again on one appointed to found a colony. at all events there is no difference of opinion about the stubbornness of his contention with the nobles, who despised his lowly birth. he published the formulae of the civil law, which had been filed away in the secret archives of the pontiffs, and posted up the calendar on white notice —boards about the Forum, that men might know when they could bring an action. he dedicated a temple of Concord in the precinct of Vulcan, grea
ommitted their cause to Fortune, with courage greater than their hopes. however, whether owing to their having assembled the fighting strength of all the Samnite nations, or because a contest on which everything was staked heightened their valour, they occasioned some perturbation amongst the Romans, even in an open battle. when Fabius saw that the enemy were nowhere giving way, he ordered Maximus his sonQuintus Fabius Maximus Gurges, aedile two years later (chap. xxxi. § 9) and consul 293 B.C. (chap. xlvii. § 5). and Marcus Valerius —military tribunes with whom he had hurried to the front —to go to the horsemen and tell them that if they remembered ever an occasion when the state had been helped by the horse, now was the time for them to exert their strength to preserve untarnished the glory of that body: in the struggle of infantry the enemy were yielding not an inch; no hope remained save in a charge of cavalry. addressing each of the young men by name, lie loaded t<
and that the consuls, who were not far from Clusium, got no report of the disaster till some Gallic horsemen came in sight, with heads hanging at their horses' breasts or fixed on their lances, and singing their customary song of triumph. others allege that they were not Gauls but Umbrians, and that the reverse experienced was not so great. some foragers, according to their account, under Lucius Manlius Torquatus,Possibly a son of the consul who was thrown from his horse and killed in 299 B.C. see chap. xi. § 1. a lieutenant, had been cut off and Scipio the propraetor sallied forth from the camp to their relief, and renewing the battle defeatedB.C. 295 the victorious Umbrians and took from them their prisoners and their booty. it is more probable that the discomfiture was incurred at the hands of a Gallic than of an Umbrian enemy, since apprehensions of a Gallic rising, which had often at other times troubled the Romans, were in that year particularly alarming. and so
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