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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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d this remarkable expression. Virginia stands in the midst of her sister States, in garments red with the blood of her children slain in the first outbreak of the irrepressible conflict. But, sir, not when her children fell at midnight beneath the weapons of the assassin, was her heart penetrated with so profound a grief as that which will wring it when she is obliged to choose between a separate destiny with the South, and her common destiny with the entire Republic. On the next day, May 1st, Georgia withdrew, followed by Tennessee and Kentucky. Virginia presented a test-resolution that the citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories of the United States; and that under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, which we recognize as the correct exposition of the Constitution of the United States, neither the rights of persons nor of property can be impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation. When t
litical benefit, and above even the consideration of interest to be affected by establishing a dangerous precedent. Messrs. Douglas and Atchison are both dead. So far as I know and believe, they never were in such relation to each other as would have caused Douglas to ask Atchison's help in preparing the bill, and I think the whole discussion shows that Douglas originated the bill, and for a year or two vaunted himself on its paternity. As you are aware, I was not in the Senate between 1853-57. In 1835 the first bugle call was heard to summon the crusaders against slavery. An English emissary led the reprobated party then, and they met with a sharp reception at the hands of the worthy citizens of the North. These men believed their cause to be that of freedom and humanity, and their strength consisted in the fact that they were zealots and willing to die in defence of their faith. Sincerity always commands a certain respectful following. This movement offered a tempting
January, 1858 AD (search for this): chapter 44
o be held on December 21, 1857, when the vote should be taken on the sole issue of free or slave labor. The ballots were endorsed I Constitution without slavery, and Constitution with slavery, but the advocates of the Topeka Legislature and Constitution as a party again failed to vote, though a considerable portion availed themselves of the opportunity. The result was 6,226 votes for slavery, 596 against it. The constitution thus adopted provided for an election on the first Monday of January, 1858, for governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary of State, State treasurer, and members of the Legislature, and also a member of Congress. A large majority of the anti-slavery men seeing their error voted for these officers, and thus reversed the majority of the pro-slavery men and placed the State in the hands of the antislavery men. This was the condition of Kansas when Mr. Davis returned to the floor of the Senate, and the sectional excitement was kept up until the admission of Kans
l was made. Second, the motive was certainly higher and more worthy of those who were restoring constitutional right against usurpation and wrong, committed in 1820. Third, to contend for a principle, a right attaching to equality in the Union, was a duty apart from any political benefit, and above even the consideration , attributed the sudden culmination of the dispute over the property in the Territories between the North and the South to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820; but this opinion is hardly tenable in view of the fact that the Missouri Compromise had been rendered and declared inoperative and void by the refusal of the NortAnd now, wrote Mr. Davis, the Northern indignation was aroused by the absurd accusation that the South had destroyed that sacred instrument, the compromise of 1820. For the fratricide which dyed the virgin soil of Kansas with the blood of those who should have stood shoulder to shoulder in subduing the wilderness; for the fr
minutes to the Pacific Ocean, with all its political significance, was, in 1850, a denial of the obligation to recognize the existence of a compact between the North and South for a division upon that line; therefore it was illogically argued in 1854, by Mr. Douglas, chair. man of the Committee on Territories, and others, that the political line of 36°, 30‘ had been obliterated by the legislation of 1850, and that the bill introduced by him declared it to be the true intent and meaning of saious declaration. I think, therefore, that you are mistaken in the view you take of that subject. If the repeal of the Missouri Compromise line occurred in 1850, then the unprecedented change which you notice as resulting in the legislation of 1854, must be construed as in the first case, as being injurious to the South, and in the second case, as stripping the case to exclusiveness. The first conclusion involves the question of date, and by which section the repeal was made. Secon
souri Compromise surrendered all the new territory except Missouri north of thirty-six degrees and thirty seconds. The compromise of 1850 gave up the northern part of Texas, and the North took, by vote of a majority, all the territories acquired by Mexico. A determined and preconcerted stand was made by the North and West against the admission of any Territory in the benefits of which the South had any participation, except by the sacrifice of its right of property in slaves. Mr. Davis, in 1886, wrote on this subject to a friend: In 1860, Mr. Douglas, as chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, introduced a number of bills which were referred to a select committee, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. These bills, with little modification, were united and reported as what is familiarly known as the Omnibus Bill. Your compliment to Mr. Clay on page eleven is, I believe, just in so far as his influence secured the passage of the bills, the result which was otherwise doubtf
cal benefit, and above even the consideration of interest to be affected by establishing a dangerous precedent. Messrs. Douglas and Atchison are both dead. So far as I know and believe, they never were in such relation to each other as would have caused Douglas to ask Atchison's help in preparing the bill, and I think the whole discussion shows that Douglas originated the bill, and for a year or two vaunted himself on its paternity. As you are aware, I was not in the Senate between 1853-57. In 1835 the first bugle call was heard to summon the crusaders against slavery. An English emissary led the reprobated party then, and they met with a sharp reception at the hands of the worthy citizens of the North. These men believed their cause to be that of freedom and humanity, and their strength consisted in the fact that they were zealots and willing to die in defence of their faith. Sincerity always commands a certain respectful following. This movement offered a tempting wea
December 21st, 1857 AD (search for this): chapter 44
age, honor, and sincerity were never doubted. He went to his honored grave as he had lived, with the esteem of all who knew him and the love of many Colonel Edwin V. Sumner, of the United States Army. When Mr. Buchanan came into office he recognized the Lecompton Legislature, having satisfied himself that it was the legally elected body. There was an election for a State convention held on September 4th, which adjourned on November 7th, after ordering an election to be held on December 21, 1857, when the vote should be taken on the sole issue of free or slave labor. The ballots were endorsed I Constitution without slavery, and Constitution with slavery, but the advocates of the Topeka Legislature and Constitution as a party again failed to vote, though a considerable portion availed themselves of the opportunity. The result was 6,226 votes for slavery, 596 against it. The constitution thus adopted provided for an election on the first Monday of January, 1858, for governor,
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