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and Seward and Blair. Meigs decided against dividing forces and in favor of battle in front. President said McClellan's health was much improved, and thought it best to adjourn until to-morrow, and have all then present attend with McC. at three. Home, and talk and reading. Dinner. Cameron came in. . . We talked of his going to Russia, and Stanton as successor, and he proposed I should again see the President. I first proposed seeing Seward, to which he assented. . . He and I drove to Willard's, where I left him, and went myself to Seward's, I told him at once what was in my mind — that I thought the President and Cameron were both willing that C. should go to Russia. He seemed to receive the matter as new, except so far as suggested by me last night. Wanted to know who would succeed Cameron. I said Holt and Stanton had been named; that I feared Holt might embarrass us on the slavery question, and might not prove quite equal to the emergency; that Stanton was a good lawyer an
and of the army. On the very day on which Gen. McClellan made use of Mr. Stanton's information, and left his bed to visit the President, Mr. Chase devoted himself to concentrating the plans for bringing Mr. Stanton into the cabinet. He regarded it as a matter of the highest importance, and his account, in his private diary for that day, of his method of using Secretary Cameron and Seward to accomplish his end forms a very extraordinary intermingling of piety and politics, as follows (see Warden's Account, etc., of S. P. Chase, p. 400): January 12, 1862.--At church this morning. Wished much to join in communion, but felt myself too subject to temptation to sin. After church went to see Cameron by appointment; but being obliged to meet the President, etc., at one, could only excuse myself. At President's found Gens. McDowell, Franklin, and Meigs, and Seward and Blair. Meigs decided against dividing forces and in favor of battle in front. President said McClellan's health was m
John Tucker (search for this): chapter 9
efore, and how many he invented on the spur of the moment. His stories were seldom refined, but were always to the point. The President ignored all questions of weather, state of roads, and preparation, and gave orders impossible of execution. About the middle of Feb., 1862, the President having reluctantly consented to abandon his plan of operation for that suggested by me, preparations were begun for the collection of the necessary water transportation. On the 27th of that month Mr. John Tucker, of Philadelphia, Assistant Secretary of War, was placed in charge of the procuring of the requisite steamers, etc., and performed his task with wonderful skill and energy. The President's War Order of March 8, 1862, that any movement as aforesaid, en route for a new base of operations, which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as the 18th March instant, and the general-in-chief sha
L. Thomas (search for this): chapter 9
o reason has ever been given for this step, and I was thus not only deprived of 10,000 more troops, but also of the control of my immediate base of operations and supplies. On the afternoon of the 5th, the right and left wings of the army being under fire from Yorktown and the works on the line of the Warwick, I received the following telegram: adjutant-general's office, April 4, 1862. Gen. McClellan: By direction of the President, General McDowell's army corps has been detached from the forces under your immediate command, and the general is ordered to report to the Secretary of War. Letter by mail. L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. In addition to the forces already enumerated, at least nine regiments of cavalry were withheld from me, and the order of April 3, discontinuing recruiting for the volunteers, rendered it impossible for me to make good the inevitable losses from disease and battle. The effect of these changes will appear as I resume the narrative of events.
Tunstall (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
information reached me when the crisis of my malady was over, and learning — also through Mr. Stanton--that a grand conclave was to assemble without my knowledge, I mustered strength enough on Sunday morning (Jan. 12, 1862) to be driven to the White House, where my unexpected appearance caused very much the effect of a shell in a powder-magazine. It was very clear from the manner of those I met there that there was something of which they were ashamed. I made no allusion to what I knew, nor was anything said to me on the subject. But I took advantage of the occasion to explain to the President in a general and casual way what my intentions were; and before I left he told me that there was to be a meeting at the White House next day, and invited me to attend, but made no reference to the object of the meeting. At the designated hour I went to the President's office and there met a party consisting of the President, Secretaries Seward, Chase, and Blair, Gens. McDowell, Franklin,
Springfield (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
his sincerity, and therefore believed him to be what he professed. The most disagreeable thing about him was the extreme virulence with which he abused the President, the administration, and the Republican party. He carried this to such an extent that I was often shocked by it. He never spoke of the President in any other way than as the original gorilla, and often said that Du Chaillu was a fool to wander all the way to Africa in search of what he could so easily have found at Springfield, Illinois. Nothing could be more bitter than his words and manner always were when speaking of the administration and the Republican party. He never gave them credit for honesty or patriotism, and very seldom for any ability. At some time during the autumn of 1861 Secretary Cameron made quite an abolition speech to some newly arrived regiment. Next day Stanton urged me to arrest him for inciting to insubordination. He often advocated the propriety of my seizing the government and taking
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
the radical leaders shortly after I reached Washington. They then saw clearly that it would not ben the 3d of April, 1862, ten days after left Washington to assume command in the field, there was isy had not even heard of him, before reaching Washington in 1861. Not many weeks after arriving I waation. The difficulties of my position in Washington commenced when I was first confined to my beng made known to them would soon spread over Washington and become known to the enemy. I also reminher. During the early part of my command in Washington he often consulted with me before taking impain their capture. Soon after arriving in Washington the President one day sent for me to ask my se I purposed to leave behind, in Baltimore, Washington, and the Shenandoah, an aggregate of 66,552, Moreover, on the second day after I left Washington an order was issued breaking up all the recrhe following letter: executive Mansion Washington March 31, 1862. Maj.-Gen. McClellan: my d
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
I was deprived of five out of the thirteen infantry divisions, with their batteries, and of nine regiments of cavalry, and that I never received the co-operation of the navy in reducing the batteries at Yorktown and Gloucester. On the 15th of March the aggregate present and absent under my command was about 233,578, taking as a basis the return of March 1; the number present for duty, including all extra-duty men, guards, etc., etc., was 203,213. Of these I purposed to leave behind, in Baltimore, Washington, and the Shenandoah, an aggregate of 66,552, brought up by new arrivals to about 77,401 at the close of March, or, deducting Gen. Dix's command, 65,621, equal to about 57,091 present for duty, with the convalescent hospitals at hand to dram upon. Now, the estimate made of the necessary garrison of Washington by the chiefs of engineers and artillery on the 24th of Oct., 1861 was a little less than 34,000 men, including reserves, so that a force of a little over 23,000 men wou
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
y, as well as of the mass of the people, was at that time strongly in favor of confining the war to that object. Although the Free-Soil element was strong in the North, the Abolitionists proper were weak, and a declaration of their true purposes would have seriously interfered with the progress of the war. A clear indication of the correctness of this statement lies in the fact that the executive never disowned my proclamation to the West Virginians nor the policy I pursued in reference to Kentucky. The real object of the radical leaders was not the restoration of the Union, but the permanent ascendency of their party, and to this they were ready to sacrifice the Union, if necessary. A few days before the arrival of McClellan in Washington Congress had stated the purposes of the war in a resolution: That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in revolt against the constitutional government, and in arms
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
seldom had trouble with him when we could meet face to face. The difficulty always arose behind my back. I believe that he liked me personally, and certainly he was always much influenced by me when we were together. During the early part of my command in Washington he often consulted with me before taking important steps or appointing general officers. He appointed Hunter a major-general without consulting me, and a day or two afterwards explained that he did so because the people of Illinois seemed to want somebody to be a sort of father to them, and he thought Hunter would answer that purpose. When he appointed, as general officers, some of the released prisoners from the first Bull Run, he afterwards explained to me that he did it as a recompense for their sufferings, unaware, no doubt, that in other armies they would have been brought before some tribunal to explain their capture. Soon after arriving in Washington the President one day sent for me to ask my opinion of
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