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South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
nstitutions you please, it is not enough. South Carolina said to Massachusetts in 1835, when Edwardt is not possible to preserve the quiet of South Carolina consistently with free speech; but you knoor think of going? So free speech says to South Carolina to-day. Now I say you may pledge, comprom see the government announcing a policy in South Carolina. What is it? Well, Mr. Secretary Cameronater interference with the institutions of South Carolina than is necessary,--than the war will cure I acknowledge the right of revolution in South Carolina, out at the same time I acknowledge that rsunlight of God's equality. I claim it of South Carolina. By virtue of that pledge she took Bostonpart even of that infamous pledge. Until South Carolina allows me a the influence that nineteen mijustice, shall those four hundred thousand South Carolina slaves go beyond the influence of Boston ive and manifest grounds of need and right, South Carolina has no right of revolution; none till she
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 21
hed commerce; when, by the embargo of Jefferson, no ship could quit New York or Boston, and Congress set no limit to the prohibition. It annihilated commerce. New England asked, Is it constitutional? The Supreme Court said, Yes. New England sat down and starved. Her wharves were worthless, her ships rotted, her merchants beggaNew England sat down and starved. Her wharves were worthless, her ships rotted, her merchants beggared. She asked no compensation. The powers of Congress carried bankruptcy from New Haven to Portland; but the Supreme Court said, It is legal, and New England bowed her head. We commend the same cup to the Carolinas to-day. We say to them that, in order to save the government, there resides somewhere despotism. It is in the waNew England bowed her head. We commend the same cup to the Carolinas to-day. We say to them that, in order to save the government, there resides somewhere despotism. It is in the war powers of Congress. That despotism can change the social arrangements of the Southern States, and has a right to do it. Every man of you who speaks of the emancipation of the negroes allows it would be decisive if it were used. You allow that, when it is a military necessity, we may use it. What I claim is, in honor of our inst
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 21
ted into one; foreign nations aware of our hostility, and interfering to embroil, rob, and control us. We should be what Greece was under the intrigues of Philip, and Germany when Louis XIV. was in fact her dictator. We may see our likeness in Austria, every fretful province an addition of weakness; in Italy, twenty years ago, a leash of angry hounds. A Union with unwilling and subjugated States, smarting with defeat, and yet holding the powerful and dangerous element of slavery in it, and as discovered. Why does the London press lecture us like a schoolmaster his seven-year-old boy? Why does England use a tone such as she has not used for half a century to any power? Because she knows us as she knows Mexico, as all Europe knows Austria,--that we have the cancer concealed in our very vitals. Slavery, left where it is, after having created such a war as this, would leave our commerce and all our foreign relations at the mercy of any Keitt, Wig fall, Wise, or Toombs. Any demago
Niagara County (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
ow far it shall tread. You and I come here to-night, not to criticise, not to find fault with the Cabinet. We come here to recognize the fact, that in moments like these the statesmanship of the Cabinet is but a pine shingle upon the rapids of Niagara, borne which way the great popular heart and the national purpose direct. It is in vain now, with these scenes about us, in this crisis, to endeavor to create public opinion; too late now to educate twenty millions of people. Our object now iseing the accomplice of tyrants. But now, when I see what the Union must mean in order to last, when I see that you cannot have union without meaning justice, and when I see twenty millions of people, with a current as swift and as inevitable as Niagara, determined that this Union shall mean justice, why should I object to it? I endeavored honestly, and am not ashamed of it, to take nineteen States out of this Union, and consecrate them to liberty, and twenty millions of people answer me back,
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
Quincy Adams, --a plot for the extension and perpetuation of slavery. As the world advances, fresh guaranties are demanded. The nineteenth century requires sterner gags than the eighteenth. Often as the peace of Virginia is in danger, you must be willing that a Virginia Mason shall drag your citizens to Washington, and imprison them at his pleasure. So long as Carolina needs it, you must submit that your ships be searched for dangerous passengers, and every Northern man lynched. No more Kansas rebellions. It is a conflict between the two powers, Aristocracy and Democracy, which shall hold this belt of the continent. You may live here, New York men, but it must be in submission to such rules as the quiet of Carolina requires. That is the meaning of the oft-repeated threat to call the roll of one's slaves on Bunker Hill, and dictate peace in Faneuil Hall. Now, in that fight, I go for the North,--for the Union. In order to make out this theory of irrepressible conflict, it is n
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
blic for centuries. Nothing will ever medicine that wound but the government announcing to the world that it knows well whence came its trouble, and is determined to effect its cure, and, consecrating the banner to liberty, to plant it on the shores of the Gulf. [Applause.] I say in the service of the negro; but I do. not forget the white man, the eight millions of poor whites, thinking themselves our enemies, but who are really our friends. Their interests are identical with our own. An Alabama slaveholder, sitting with me a year or two ago, said:-- In our northern counties they are your friends. A man owns one slave or two slaves, and he eats with them, and sleeps in the same room (they have but one), as much as a hired man here eats with the farmer he serves. There is no difference. They are too poor to send their sons North for education. They have no newspapers, and they know nothing but what they are told by us. If you could get at them, they would be on your side, bu
Ball Run (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
ity and happiness. He has changed his position to-day. He now stands between us and the sun of our safety and prosperity, and you and I are together on the same platform,--the same plank, -our object to save the institutions which our fathers planted. Save them in the service of justice, in the service of peace, in the service of liberty; and in that service demand of the government at Washington that they shall mature and announce a purpose. That flag lowered at Sumter, that flight at Ball Run, will rankle in the heart of the republic for centuries. Nothing will ever medicine that wound but the government announcing to the world that it knows well whence came its trouble, and is determined to effect its cure, and, consecrating the banner to liberty, to plant it on the shores of the Gulf. [Applause.] I say in the service of the negro; but I do. not forget the white man, the eight millions of poor whites, thinking themselves our enemies, but who are really our friends. Their int
Port Royal (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
the war will cure. Does he mean he will give the slaves back when the war is over? I don't know. All I know is, that the Port Royal expedition proved one thing, -it laid forever that ghost of an argument, that the blacks loved their masters,--it settled forever the question whether the blacks were with us or with the South. My opinion is, that the blacks are the key of our position. [A Voice, That is it. ] He that gets them wins, and he that loses them goes to the wall. [Applause.] Port Royal settled one thing,--the blacks are with us, and not with the South. At present they are the only Unionist. I know nothing more touching in history, nothing that art will immortalize and poetry dwell upon more fondly,--I know no tribute to the Stars and Stripes more impressive than that incident of the blacks coming to the water-side with their little bundles, in that simple faith which had endured through the long night of so many bitter years. They preferred to be shot rather than driv
Liverpool (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 21
read American example. They may well admire and envy the strength of our government, when, instead of England's impressment and pinched levies, patriotism marshals six hundred thousand volunteers in six months. The English merchant is jealous of our growth. only the liberal middle classes really sympathize with a. When the two other classes are divided, this middle class rules. But now Herod and Pilate are agreed. The aristocrat, who usually despises a trader, whether of Manchester or Liverpool, as the South does a negro, now is Secessionist from sympathy, as the trader is from interest. Such a union no middle class can checkmate. The only danger of war with England is, that, as soon as England declared war with us, she would recognize the Southern Confederacy immediately, just as she stands, slavery and all, as a military measure. As such, in the heat of passion, in the smoke of war, the English people, all of them, would allow such a recognition even of a slaveholding empire
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
the Stuart faction; and we, in 1876, abolished nobles and all tenure of estates savoring of privileged classes. Such a measure supplies the South just what she needs,--capital. That sum which the North gives the loyal slaveholder, not as acknowledging his property in the slave, but a measure of conciliation,--perhaps an acknowledgment of its share of the guilt,--will call mills, ships, agriculture, into being. The free negro will redeem to use lands never touched, whose fertility laughs Illinois to scorn, and finds no rival but Egypt. And remember, besides, as Montesquieu says, The yield of land depends less on its fertility than on the freedom of its inhabitants. Such a measure binds the negro to us by the indissoluble tie of gratitude; the loyal slaveholder, by strong self-interest,--our bonds are all his property; the other whites, by prosperity,--they are lifted in the scale of civilization and activity, educated and enriched. Our institutions are then homogeneous. We grapp
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