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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ve will be allowed to be seized, whether against law or in conformity thereto, on the soil of New England, to say nothing of the other free States, and hurried back to bondage. It would be at his pese, no attempt has been made to Ante, pp. 66-68. recapture a fugitive slave here. At the New England Anti-Slavery Convention on May 29, Edmund Quincy spoke to his own resolution couched in these words: Resolved, That it is our duty to agitate the question of slavery till the soil of New England is pure enough to free every man who sets foot upon it; and meanwhile, we pledge ourselves toh allows the slaveholder to hunt the fugitive slave through our borders, and not only to make New England, so far as in us lies, an asylum for the oppressed, but to proclaim the fact so loudly that tm-sellers, but Lib. 19.158. bearing heavily on the consciences of buyers and consumers. His New England harvest gathered in, he returned to New York, and straightway by word and deed justified Mr.
Quaker (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
h deplore? How is this to be accounted for? I will tell you. You were born a member of the Society of Friends; your religious opinions you received upon authority, and you accepted them as a matter of course, sincerely and trustingly, as I did mine, and as nine-tenths of those who are born in Christendom do. Your theological views of man's depravity, the atonement, eternal punishment, the divinity of Christ, the inspiration of the Bible, etc., you received as confidingly as you did your Quaker views of peace, anti-slavery, temperance, etc.,—only, the latter you have advocated and carried out to an extent much beyond the ordinary teachings of Quakerism on these points. But the latter views are true, and susceptible of the clearest demonstration; and their examination you court. The former are all wrong (in my judgment, I mean, though I was brought up to believe them), admit of no satisfactory proof, much less of demonstration; and a free examination of them gives you positive une
Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
abolition of slavery in the British West India islands, will be celebrated at Worcester, in this Commonwealth, on Friday, Aug. 3, commencing at 10 o'clock A. M., undor country. A grand mass meeting of the people is confidently anticipated at Worcester, and able and distinguished advocates of liberty have pledged themselves to bt at the celebration of the anniversary of British West India emancipation at Worcester, on Friday next. Here is a letter, containing an invitation in an official s demanded Father Mathew's declining to show himself among the Disunionists at Worcester. Yet Bradburn had done what he could to Ante, pp. 43-45. utilize the Irish tely to Father Mathew in the same sense. The Apostle had refused to go to Worcester, Mass., and from Worcester, England, came the first municipal censure, uttered inof the Massachusetts Lib. 19.38. House in favor of disunion; he presided, at Worcester, Lib. 19.126. over the celebration of West India emancipation, and at the fi
West Indies (search for this): chapter 9
as a signer of the Irish Address of 1842) at a celebration of British West India Emancipation. Garrison drafts and presents the invitation, bf the nineteenth century, the abolition of slavery in the British West India islands, will be celebrated at Worcester, in this Commonwealth, oion of that great and glorious event, the entire abolition of British West India slavery, failed not to be put into his hands. Fortunately, wtation to be present at the celebration of the anniversary of British West India emancipation at Worcester, on Friday next. Here is a letter,itical power is in their hands. Moreover, the anniversary of British West India emancipation was deemed by us an event in which you would feeeous emancipation of eight hundred thousand slaves in the British West India islands—an event in which it was believed you would take special he presided, at Worcester, Lib. 19.126. over the celebration of West India emancipation, and at the fine anniversary of the American Society
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ion Lib. 19.41. unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South. Armed immigration to that Territory was Lib. 19.77. set on foot. In May a practical disunion convention was May 14, 15. held at Columbia, S. C., and gave its approval to Calhoun's Lib. 19.86. Address. In November a similar body assembled at Nov. 1, 1849; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient than the last. Another cause helped to keep the South fretful and heated: the escape of slaves to the North was reaching alarming proportions, and recovery was
Belfast (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 9
on a question like this, under present circumstances. I am a Catholic priest; but, being here to promote the cause of temperance, I should not be justified in turning aside from my mission for the purpose of subserving the cause of Catholicism. The essential jesuitry of this remark will be apparent to any one who reads Henry C. Wright's account of Father Mathew's rebuke of a fellow-priest and philanthropist, Father (John) Spratt of Dublin, for having, in 1846, heeded a popular call from Belfast to preach the gospel of temperance there, in spite of the opposition of the local Catholic hierarchy. Father Mathew, who had equally been prohibited, but had submitted, argued that Father Spratt's insubordination was infinitely more pernicious than his greatest possible conversions to teetotalism could be beneficent (Lib. 19: 145; 20: 40). In accusing, further, Father Spratt of having taught the Catholic people that they can do without their pastors, Father Mathew took the ground of priest
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
lation to the contrary, leaving the situation Lib. 19.41. unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South. Armed immigration to that Territory was Lib. 19.77. set on foot. In May a practical disunion convention was May 14, 15. held at Columbia, S. C., and gave its approval to Calhoun's Lib. 19.86. Address. In November a similar body assembled at Nov. 1, 1849; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient than the last. Another cause helped to keep the South fretful and heated: the escape of slaves to the North was reach
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
peration in obtaining a new fugitive-slave law, investing any Federal postmaster or collector of customs with the authority of the Federal courts in the matter of apprehension, custody, conviction, and rendition of the unhappy victims. This Southern grievance had been fully ventilated in the U. S. Senate during the exciting debates growing out Ante, p. 237. of the Drayton and Sayres case; and, on the complaint of Kentucky that her fugitive-slave processes were Lib. 18.73. obstructed in Michigan, Senator Butler of South Carolina offered a bill to make slave-catching easy. Naturally, the Lib. 18.74. subject was prominent in Calhoun's Address, and it was Ante, p. 245. upon this portion that Mr. Garrison proudly but overconfidently commented, when he said: The times have indeed changed, and a radical alteration Lib. 19.18. has taken place in public opinion on this subject. Probably not another slave will be allowed to be seized, whether against law or in conformity thereto,
Colorado (Colorado, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
rrison. Garrison vindicates free discussion of the Bible in the Liberator. The historian of the anti-slavery cause—or of the country—for the year we have now reached, must tell of the two great tides of feeling and passion surging from North to South and from South to North, over the question of the Federal Territories. Should the Wilmot Proviso secure to California and New Mexico Not merely the area we now know by that name, but nearly the whole of Arizona, with parts of Nevada and Colorado. See Map XV., Statistical Atlas U. S. Census, 1880. the freedom decreed them by the country from which they had been torn; should the Missouri Compromise line of 1820 be extended to the Pacific; or should the contention of the Southern extremists prevail, viz., that slave property had, equally with all other kinds of property, a right to be taken into any part of the national domain not definitively organized and admitted as one of the States of the Union? Should, again, the renewed effor
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
tilated in the U. S. Senate during the exciting debates growing out Ante, p. 237. of the Drayton and Sayres case; and, on the complaint of Kentucky that her fugitive-slave processes were Lib. 18.73. obstructed in Michigan, Senator Butler of South Carolina offered a bill to make slave-catching easy. Naturally, the Lib. 18.74. subject was prominent in Calhoun's Address, and it was Ante, p. 245. upon this portion that Mr. Garrison proudly but overconfidently commented, when he said: The e had gone over to the side of the oppressor. He granted with alacrity an interview to Henry Clay, declaring it an honor Lib. 19.190. from the greatest man of the age, and directly began his Southern tour by way of the Federal capital. The South Carolina Temperance Advocate having cleared his character as a fanatic or anti-slavery helper, he had promised Judge John Belton O'Neall, President of the State Temperance Society—the same who would have hung John Ante, p. 152. L. Brown for running o
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