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Browsing named entities in Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 18. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones).

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h of art. His vast outline and grand, but mild and undefined, proportions, liken him to a huge mass of granite, torn, in some convulsion of nature, from a mountain's side, which any effort of the chisel would only disfigure, and which no instrument in the sculptor's studio could grasp or comprehend. In 1855, during the rage of Know-Nothingism, he declared his opposition to the American Party, and stated the grounds of his objection, at Versailles, in one of his most forcible speeches. In 1856 he removed to Chicago. He complained that there was not room in Kentucky—that he had always been crowded. He determined to fix his home by the bright waters of the lake, in the young and rising city of the West. But his stay was not long. He returned to Kentucky in August of the same year that he had left it, in order to manage a law-suit of great importance. While in Lexington his friends, understanding that he was opposed to the election of Buchanan to the presidency, literally forced
pressive circumstances that the sentiments were indelibly inscribed on my mind. I at once placed myself in front of my command and had bayonets fixed; I explained to them the character of our work and perilous position of our army. The works are only one hundred yards distant, said Captain Jones—a fortunate mistake. They were, in point of fact, two hundred yards distant. For twenty-three years my impression and belief was that the works were about one hundred yards distant. In June of 1888 I visited the ground and carefully noted it. To my amazement I discovered that the distance was double what I would have sworn it was. So surprised was I at this discovery I asked several of my comrades who were in the charge what was their recollection as to the distance, and found that several of them, like myself, thought the distance only one hundred yards. The enemy can fire but one volley before the works are reached. A timely reminder was this, as, whilst advising the men of the g
gs and speeches will be found sentences without number modelled upon this just conception. Indeed, all through life he paid the greatest attention to his literary style. He elaborated it with great care, and hence was acquired that remarkable production—the last work of combined study and genius— his rich, clear, correct, harmonious and weighty style of prose. And it was always perspicuous; you could look through the crystal water of the style down to the golden sands of the thought. In 1851 the claims of both Crittenden and Dixon to a seat in the United States Senate were being urged with zeal and warmth by their respective friends. The rivalry of two such champions created quite a breach in the Whig party of the State. Mr. Marshall being a warm personal and political friend of Crittenden, urged his claims to the position with his accustomed energy and ability. Misrepresentation grew out of his course. He was accused of hostility to Clay, and he was more than once charged wi
or brackets, which should be pronounced in a low tone of voice, and may be left out altogether without injuring the sense. While Mr. Marshall was in Congress, one of those periodical tempests of temperance swept over the land. It finally reached the halls of the national council. A congressional total abstinence society was organized. Mr. Marshall had won a somewhat unenviable reputation for excessive conviviality. He became a member of the society and its most eloquent spokesman. In 1842 he delivered upon the floor of Congress an Address on Temperance, which for splendor of illustration, justness of observation, and beauty of diction has never been excelled in this country. That the reader may judge somewhat of his style of oratory, we append some extracts from the address: Temperate men refusing to join a temperance society! Withholding their name and influence! Nay, throwing, by their refusal, the weight of both against us! It is unnatural; it is unintelligible; i
Southern Historical Society Papers. Vol. XVIII. Richmond, Va., January-December. 1890. The battle of the Crater, July 30, 1864. An Address delivered before the A. P. Hill Camp of Confederate Veterans, of Petersburg, Va., in that city, on the 24th of June, 1890. by Comrade George S. Bernard. comrades: It was my fortune as a member of the Petersburg Riflemen, Company E, Twelfth Virginia Infantry, General William Mahone's brigade, to take part in the memorable engagement known as The Battle of the Crater, and it is now proposed to give some account of the action—to tell a war story from the standpoint of a high private in the rear rank, supplementing information within my personal knowledge with some material drawn from other sources believed to be reliable—this being necessary to a proper understanding of what will be told. On Saturday morning, the 30th of July, 1864, when the mine under the angle in the Confederate's works around Petersburg, known as Elliott's sailent, w
his, lost the opportunity of taking part in the battle of Buena Vista. After the war he returned to his native State. A convention was soon after called to revise the Constitution of Kentucky. He was a candidate for a seat in that body, and was beaten, because he was strongly in favor of reviving his old favorite, the law against the importation of slaves into the State, which had been repealed and which he desired to incorporate into the Constitution as part of the fundamental law. In 1850 the question of the adoption or rejection of the new Constitution was to be submitted to the people. Some of the most talented men in the State arrayed themselves against its adoption. Among these was Mr. Marshall. As editor of a newspaper published at Frankfort, called the Old Guard, he came into the battle champing like a war steed, his whole armor on, impatient to measure strength with the most dauntless champions of the new Constitution. In a series of leading editorials, addressed To
uld grasp or comprehend. In 1855, during the rage of Know-Nothingism, he declared his opposition to the American Party, and stated the grounds of his objection, at Versailles, in one of his most forcible speeches. In 1856 he removed to Chicago. He complained that there was not room in Kentucky—that he had always been crowded. He determined to fix his home by the bright waters of the lake, in the young and rising city of the West. But his stay was not long. He returned to Kentucky in August of the same year that he had left it, in order to manage a law-suit of great importance. While in Lexington his friends, understanding that he was opposed to the election of Buchanan to the presidency, literally forced him to take the stump for the Whig ticket. Again he canvassed the State, spoke day and night, and got to Versailles the very day of the election. His exertions and exposure during the most imclement weather broke down his health. He was attacked by a violent fit of pneumon
the hotel. The clerk replied by pointing him to the gentleman in question. The colored man approached Marshall, saluted him very respectfully, and asked if he belonged to the Lexington family of Marshalls. Marshall was, as he expressed it afterward, somewhat put out by the familiar manner of the cullerd gemman, but answered civilly that he did. The colored man was delighted to hear it, and to meet him. I had, he said, the honor and pleasure of serving with Thomas F. Marshall from 1841 to 1843. Marshall thinking he had met with one of the old family servants who had run away from slavery in Kentucky to freedom in Ohio, was about to ply him with questions, but found no opportunity of getting in a word edgeways. The colored man asked, in rapid succession, after the various members of the family, spoke feelingly and familiarly of old Humphrey Marshall, and at last asked if the gentleman was acquainted with Henry Clay. On Marshall replying in the affirmative, the colored gentleman
e charge was probably as splendid as any of which history has made record. Just as we were well over the brow of the hill, I cast my eyes to the right, and I will ever carry a vivid impression of the rapid, but steady and beautiful, movement of the advancing line of some 800 men—the greater part of whom, being to my right, were within the range of my vision—as our five Virginia regiments, their five battle flags, borne by as many gallant color-bearers, floating in the bright sunlight of that July morning, and the battalion of sharpshooters double-quicked across the field they were unconsciously making famous. A Federal soldier thus describes the charge: The second brigade had hardly raised their heads when the cry broke out from our men, The rebels are charging. Here they come. Looking to the front I saw a splendid line of gray coming up the ravine on the run. Their left was nearly up to the bomb-proofs, and their line extended off into the smoke as far as we could see. They w
on, Monroe, Chief Justice Marshall, Randolph, Leigh, Johnson, Tazwell, and a host of others of almost equal renown, all were there. For five months he listened to them with tireless attention, heard all the debates, noted the methods of conducting deliberative assemblies, and gathered many a lesson of statesmanship which served him in good stead when he came himself to play a part upon a similar arena. He often said afterwards that it was the best school he had ever attended. In Febuary, 1830, he went to Washington and witnessed the battle of the giants, in the Senate chamber, on the celebrated Foote resolutions. He heard Hayne, and pronounced Webster's triumphant reply as equal to the world-noted pleading for the Crown. From that time may be dated his ambition for political distinction. He studied diligently the questions of the day and entered upon their discussion before the people of his native county with the burning enthusiasm that always characterized his public utteranc
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