England could prevent an instantaneous reaction.
Pitt had erected no stronger bulwark for America than the shadowy partition which divides internal taxation from imposts regulating commerce; and Rockingham had leapt over this slight defence with scorn, declaring the power of Parliament to extend of right to all cases whatsoever.
But they who give absolute power, give the abuse of absolute power; —they who draw the bolts from the doors and windows, let in the robber.
When the opinions of Bedford and Grenville became sanctioned as just principles of constitutional law, no question respecting their policy remained open but that of its expediency; and country gentlemen, if they had a right to raise a revenue from America, were sure that it was expedient to ease themselves of one fourth of their land-tax by exercising the right.
The Administration were evidently without vitality; they are dead and only lying in state, was the common remark.
Conway avowed himself eager to resign;
C
int, and substituted as its Speaker the respectable but irresolute Thomas Cushing.
In the afternoon of the same day, at the choice of the Council, the four Judges of the Supreme Court, of whom Hutchinson was the Chief, the King's Attorney, and Oliver, the Secretary and late Stamp-master, all Members of the last year's Board, were not reelected; for, said Samuel Adams, upon the principle of the best writers, a union of the several powers of government in one person is dangerous to liberty.
letters Commodore Hood, &c., &c., as well as the Boston Gazette.—Grenville Papers, IV. 375. where courage was needed, and now insolent when he should have been conciliatory—sought to constrain
Chap. XXV.} 1766.
May. the election of Hutchinson, Oliver, and two others,
Bernard to the Lords of Trade, 7 July, 1766. and accused the House of having determined its votes from private interests and resentment and popular discontent, disguised under the borrowed garb of patriotism.
It were to be wi
