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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. Search the whole document.

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ptember, the committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer of the greatest promise, from Newburyport; Chap. XVII.} 1779. and Strong of Northampton. John Adams had arrived opportunely from France, to which he did not return till November; and was so far the principal agent in writing out the first draft of the constitution, that it was reputed to be his work. There are no means of distributing its parts to their several authors with certainty. No one was more determined for two branches of the legislature with a veto in the governor than John Adams. To him also more than to any other may be ascribed the complete separation of both branches from appointments to office. The provisions for the total abolition of slavery ma
rris of New York, a man of business and a man of pleasure. His hostility to slavery brought him into some agreement with the policy of Gerard, to whom one day in October he said that Spain would have no cause to fear the great body of the confederation, for reciprocal jealousy and separate interests would never permit its members legislature. Moore's History of Slavery in Massachusetts, 183. In his presidency, Hancock had shown proclivities to the south. When on his resignation in October a motion was made to give him the thanks of congress for his impartiality in office, the three northernmost states of New England voted in the negative, while thest Wednesday in June, they found that the male inhabitants of twenty-one years and upwards had ratified the new constitution, and they chose the last Wednesday in October for the day on which it should take effect. At the coming in of the twenty-fifth of October, 1780, Massachusetts became in truth a free common-wealth. Its peo
an edict of the eighth of August, 1779, Louis 1779. the Sixteenth announced his regret that many ohe provinces of the south already Chap. XVII.} 1779. very much weakened the confederation; that furhree thousand active, able-bodied Chap. XVII.} 1779. negro men under thirty-five years of age; and tion. The statute drafted by Jefferson, and in 1779 proposed by 1779. Mason to define who shall be1779. Mason to define who shall be citizens of Virginia, declared the natural right of expatriation in opposition to the English asserbecoming president of the executive council of 1779. Pennsylvania, Joseph Reed, speaking for himsela the rights of human nature. In Chap. XVII.} 1779. the autumn of 1779, George Bryan had been retuings of Massachusetts. In February, 1779, the 1779. legislature of the year asked their constituents forms. The inconsistencies of Chap. XVII.} 1779. bondage with the principle of American indepeneatest promise, from Newburyport; Chap. XVII.} 1779. and Strong of Northampton. John Adams had arr[4 more...]
pter 17: The rise of free commonwealths. 1780. freedom is of all races and of all nationalities. It Chap. XVII.} 1780. is in them all older than bondage, and ever rises again from the ensld inheritance. It was his wish to do away, as 1780. with torture, so with every vestige of a rigorwas restrained by his respect for Chap. XVII.} 1780. the laws of property, which he held to be the evil shielded itself under a new plea, where a 1780. difference of skin set a visible mark on the vro slavery; and in 1780 he tasked Chap. XVII.} 1780. himself to find out what laws could check the pe of forbidding or even limiting Chap. XVII.} 1780. the bringing of negro slaves into them was witIn 1780, Madison expressed the wish that black 1780. men might be set free and then made to serve iependent, the veto of the British Chap. XVII.} 1780. king would have prevented their abolition of sr a state religion subordinate to Chap. XVII.} 1780. temporal power; the one education of all the p[9 more...]
icient aid in furthering my inquiries. The French archives are rich in materials for every branch of history. In one they are unique. The despatches of the French envoys at Philadelphia to their government contain the most complete reports which exist of the discussions in congress from 1778 to the adoption of the constitution in 1789. Congress sat, it is true, with closed doors; but the French ministers knew how to obtain information on every proceeding that interested their country. In August, 1778, soon after the reception at Philadelphia of Chap. XVII.} 1778. an envoy from France, he reported to Vergennes The states of the south and of the north under existing subjects of division and estrangement, are two distinct parties, which at present count but few deserters. The division is attributed to moral and philosophical causes. He further reported that the cabal against Washington found supporters exclusively in the north. The French minister desired to repress the ambitio
h. Vermont, whose laws from the first never bore with slavery, knocked steadily at the door of congress to be taken in as a state. In August, 1781, its envoys 1781. were present in Philadelphia, entreating admission. Their papers were in order; the statesmen of New York gave up their opposition; and congress seemed well disps held by them that the admission of Vermont would destroy the balance of power between the two sections of the confederacy, and give the preponder- Chap. XVII.} 1781. ance to the north. The idea was then started, that the six states south of Mason and Dixon's line should be conciliated by a concession of a seventh vote which til, and the all-pervading habit of laborious industry among its people, which grew out of the original motives to their emigration and was the char- Chap. XVII.} 1781. acter of all their development, set narrow limits to slavery; in the states nearest the tropics it throve luxuriously, and its influence entered into their inmost
keeping Frenchmen in bondage to Frenchmen. In Oberyssel, a province of the Netherlands, Baron 1782. van der Capellen tot den Pol, the friend of America, had seen with the deepest sorrow the survivm of villanage; and, in spite of the resistance and sworn hatred of almost all the nobles, he, in 1782, brought about its complete abolition. Here the movement for emancipation during the American ach white man who would enlist for the war. In May, 1782, just thirteen years after Jefferson 1782. had brought in a bill giving power of unconditional emancipation to the masters of slaves, the mmonwealth; but there is no evidence that he ever reconciled himself to the idea of Chap. XVII.} 1782. emancipated black men living side by side with white men as equal sharers in political rights an. In bondage to these views, Jefferson was not competent to solve the problem; and so early as 1782, in the helplessness of despair, he dismissed it from his thoughts as a practical question, with
September 20th, 1776 AD (search for this): chapter 18
ing under the auspices of Heaven for a total emancipation. At that time Washington was a kind and considerate master of slaves, without as yet a title to the character of abolitionist. By slow degrees the sentiment grew up in his mind that to hold men in bondage was a wrong; that Virginia should proceed to emancipation by general statute of the state; that, if she refused to do so, each individual should act for his own household. Next in order comes Delaware, which on the twentieth of September, 1776, adopted its constitution as 1776. an independent state. In proportion to its numbers, it had excelled all in the voluntary emancipation of slaves. Its constitution absolutely prohibited the introduction of any slave from Africa, or any slave for sale from any part of the world, as an article which ought never to be violated on any pretence whatever. But, beyond this, Delaware left the progress Chap. XVII.} 1779. of emancipation to the good — will of the slave-holders. In
endent, the veto of the British Chap. XVII.} 1780. king would have prevented their abolition of slavery, as it had prevented every measure for abolishing or restricting the slave-trade. In an able address to their constituents, the delegates explained the grounds on which their decisions rested, and called on them in their several towns and plantations to judge whether they had raised their superstructure upon the principles of a free common-wealth. Reassembling on the first Wednesday in June, they found that the male inhabitants of twenty-one years and upwards had ratified the new constitution, and they chose the last Wednesday in October for the day on which it should take effect. At the coming in of the twenty-fifth of October, 1780, Massachusetts became in truth a free common-wealth. Its people shook slavery from its garments as something that had never belonged to it. The colored inhabitants, about six thousand in number, or one in seventy of the population, equally becam
February 29th, 1780 AD (search for this): chapter 18
council of 1779. Pennsylvania, Joseph Reed, speaking for himself and the council, renewed the recommendation to abolish slavery gradually and to restore and establish by the law in Pennsylvania the rights of human nature. In Chap. XVII.} 1779. the autumn of 1779, George Bryan had been returned as a member of the assembly. In the committee to which on his motion the subject was referred, he prepared a new preamble and the draft of the law for gradual emancipation; and on the twenty-ninth of February, 1780, it was adopted by a vote of thirty- 1780. four to twenty-one. So Pennsylvania led the way towards introducing freedom for all. Our bill, wrote George Bryan to Samuel Adams, astonishes and pleases the Quakers. They looked for no such benevolent issue of our new government, exercised by presbyterians. The Friends, well pleased at the unexpected law, became better reconciled to the form of government by which they had been grievously disfranchised. The constitution of South
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