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ve-trade and of slavery by Jefferson in his draft of the declaration of independence was rejected by the congress of 1776 1776. in deference to South Carolina and Georgia. A few days later, in the earliest debates on the plan of confederation, thnscious of his own good intentions, cares not whom they please or offend. When the constituent convention of Virginia 1776. adopted their declaration of rights as the foundation of government for themselves and their posterity, they set forth inis own household. Next in order comes Delaware, which on the twentieth of September, 1776, adopted its constitution as 1776. an independent state. In proportion to its numbers, it had excelled all in the voluntary emancipation of slaves. Its coted every plan for employing them as soldiers on the side of England. The puritans of Massachusetts and their descend- 1776. ants, though they tolerated slavery, held that slaves had rights. Laws on marriage and against adultery were applied to
of the counties on the Hudson. The constitution, wrote Jay, on its adoption in 1777, is like a harvest cut before it is ripe; the grain has shrunk; and he lamented its great statesmen were abolitionists. It has already been narrated that, in 1777, the 1777. people of Vermont, in separating themselves formally and finally fro1777. people of Vermont, in separating themselves formally and finally from the jurisdiction of New York, framed a constitution which prohibited slavery. In July, 1778, William Livingston, the governor of 1778. New Jersey, invited the aportion to the whole population much less than in New York or in New Jersey. In 1777, in the heads of a bill proposed by the council, a suggestion was made for riddiowed, like others, to give their testimony even in capital cases. Chap. XVII.} 1777. At the opening of the revolution, William Gordon, the congregationalist ministe man should be a slave. A few weeks later, the first legislature Chap. XVII.} 1777. elected in Massachusetts after the declaration of independence listened to the
September 1st (search for this): chapter 18
ive to one. The history of the world contains no record of a people which in the institution of its government moved with the caution which now marked the proceedings of Massachusetts. In February, 1779, the 1779. legislature of the year asked their constituents whether they desired a new form of government; and a large majority of the inhabitants of the towns voting in the affirmative, a convention of delegates was elected for the sole purpose of forming a constitution. On the first day of September, the convention thus chosen came together in the meeting-house of Cambridge. Their forefathers, in their zeal against the Roman superstition, had carried their reverence of the Bible even to idolatry; and some of them, like Luther, found in its letter a sanction for holding slaves. On the other hand, from principle and habit, they honored honest labor in all its forms. The inconsistencies of Chap. XVII.} 1779. bondage with the principle of American independence lay in the though
The clashing between the two sections fastened 1778. the attention of reflecting observers. Thatwhich exist of the discussions in congress from 1778 to the adoption of the constitution in 1789. C the reception at Philadelphia of Chap. XVII.} 1778. an envoy from France, he reported to Vergennesught no immediate relief to the enslaved. In 1778, Virginia prohibited what, under the su- Chap. XVII.} 1778. premacy of England, she could not have prohibited, —the introduction of any slave by luly, 1778, William Livingston, the governor of 1778. New Jersey, invited the assembly to lay the foetaries; the humane spirit of the Chap. XVII.} 1778. Society of Friends ruled opinion in West Jerseheir representatives. In the winter session of 1778, the draft of a plan of government 1778. was t1778. was taken into consideration. One of the proposed clauses took from Indians, negroes, and mulattoes the ough to trample under foot a form Chap. XVII.} 1778. of government which thus saps the foundation o[2 more...]
of her statesmen—George Mason, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, Wythe, Pendleton, Richard Henry Lee—emulated each other in their confession of the iniquity and inexpediency of holding men in bondage. We have seen the legislature of colonial Virginia in 1772, in their fruitless battle 1772. with the king respecting the slave-trade, of which he was the great champion, demand its abolition as needful for their happiness and their very existence. In January, 1773, Patrick Henry threw ridicule and con- 1772. with the king respecting the slave-trade, of which he was the great champion, demand its abolition as needful for their happiness and their very existence. In January, 1773, Patrick Henry threw ridicule and con- 1773. tempt on the clergy of Virginia for their opposition to emancipation. In that same year, George Mason, demanding improvements in the constitution of the Old Dominion, addressed to its legislature these memorable words: Mean and sordid, but extremely short-sighted and foolish, is thatself-interest which, in political questions, opposeth itself to the public good: a wise man can no other way so effectually consult the permanent welfare of his own family and posterity as by securing t
February, 1779 AD (search for this): chapter 18
moreover, dissatisfaction with the legislature for having assumed constituent powers without authority from the people. Boston, while it recommended a convention for framing a constitution, gave its vote unanimously against the work of the legislature; and the commonwealth rejected it by a vote of five to one. The history of the world contains no record of a people which in the institution of its government moved with the caution which now marked the proceedings of Massachusetts. In February, 1779, the 1779. legislature of the year asked their constituents whether they desired a new form of government; and a large majority of the inhabitants of the towns voting in the affirmative, a convention of delegates was elected for the sole purpose of forming a constitution. On the first day of September, the convention thus chosen came together in the meeting-house of Cambridge. Their forefathers, in their zeal against the Roman superstition, had carried their reverence of the Bible eve
in their fruitless battle 1772. with the king respecting the slave-trade, of which he was the great champion, demand its abolition as needful for their happiness and their very existence. In January, 1773, Patrick Henry threw ridicule and con- 1773. tempt on the clergy of Virginia for their opposition to emancipation. In that same year, George Mason, demanding improvements in the constitution of the Old Dominion, addressed to its legislature these memorable words: Mean and sordid, but to which they belong. Perhaps the constitution may by degrees work itself clear by its own innate strength, the virtue and resolution of the community, as hath often been the case in our mother country. This last is the natural Chap. XVII.} 1773. remedy, if not counteracted by that slow poison which is daily contaminating the minds and morals of our people. Every gentleman here is born a petty tyrant. Practised in acts of despotism and cruelty, we become callous to the dictates of human
March, 1779 AD (search for this): chapter 18
land states demanded the acquisition of Nova Scotia as indispensable to their safety, and therefore to be secured at the pacification with England. The leader in this policy was Samuel Adams, whom the French minister always found in his way. The question of recruiting the army by the enlistment of black men forced itself on attention. The several states employed them as they pleased, and the slave was enfranchised by the service. Once congress touched on the delicate subject; and in March, 1779, it recommended Georgia and South Carolina to raise three thousand active, able-bodied Chap. XVII.} 1779. negro men under thirty-five years of age; and the recommendation was coupled with a promise of a full compensation to the proprietors of such negroes for the property. The resolution appears to have been adopted without opposition, North and South Carolina having both been represented in the committee that reported it. But South Carolina refused by great majorities to give effect t
January, 1777 AD (search for this): chapter 18
ed to unsaint every man who still yielded to the prevailing prejudice, declared with others against perpetuating slavery, and in November, 1776, published in the Independent Chronicle a plan sent from Connecticut for its gradual extermination out of that colony. In the same month and in the same newspaper, a son of liberty demanded the repeal of all laws supporting slavery, because they were contrary to sound reason and revelation. Moore's History of Slavery in Massachusetts, 177. In January, 1777, seven-negro slaves joined in petitioning the general court that they might be restored to that freedom which is the natural right of all men, and that their children might not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty-one years. This petition was referred to a very able committee, on which are the names of Sergeant and John Lowell of Boston, both zealous abolitionists; the latter then the leading lawyer in the state. In May, 1777, just before the meeting of the genera
ernment cannot degrade a race without marring the nobleness of human nature. So long as the legislation of the several English colonies in America remained subject to the veto of the king, all hope of forbidding or even limiting Chap. XVII.} 1780. the bringing of negro slaves into them was withstood by the mother country. Now that they were free, the end of slavery might come either from the central government or from the several states. We have seen how the first congress formed an 1774. association wholly to discontinue the slave-trade, and also how the denunciation of the slave-trade and of slavery by Jefferson in his draft of the declaration of independence was rejected by the congress of 1776 1776. in deference to South Carolina and Georgia. A few days later, in the earliest debates on the plan of confederation, the antagonism between the northern and southern states, founded on climate, pursuits, and labor, broke out on the first effort to unite them permanently. W
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