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ted by the Convention and ratified by the people at the election for the adoption of the Constitution, shall be obligatory upon the United States and the said State of Kansas. The bill read in his place by the Senator from Georgia, on the 25th of June, and referred to the Committee on Territories, contained the same section word for word. Both these bills were under consideration at the conference referred to ; but, sir, when the Senator from Illinois reported the Toombs bill to the Senateed by the Convention and ratified by the people at the election for the adoption of the Constitution, shall be obligatory upon the United States, and upon the said State of Kansas. The bill read in place by the Senator from Georgia, on the 25th of June, and referred to the Committee on Territories, contained the same section, word for word. Both these bills were under consideration at the conference referred to, but, sir, when the Senator from Illinois reported the Toombs bill to the Senate
which should be formed submitted to the people for their adoption, is not clearly expressed? In my judgment there can be no controversy among honest men upon a proposition so plain as this. Mr. Douglas has never pretended to deny, so far as I am aware, that the Toombs amendment, as originally introduced, did require a submission of the Constitution to the people. This amendment of Mr. Toombs was referred to the committee of which Mr. Douglas was Chairman, and report back by him on the 30th of June, with the words, And ratified by the people at the election for the adoption of the Constitution stricken out. I have here a copy of the bill as reported back by Mr. Douglas to substantiate the statement I make. Various other alterations were also made in the bill to which I shall presently have occasion to call attention. There was no other clause in the original Toombs bill requiring a submission of the Constitution to the people than the one I have read, and there was no clause whate
in the Congress of the United States--and as I do not really apprehend the approach of any such thing myself, and as Judge Douglas seems to be in constant horror that some such danger is rapidly approaching, I propose as the best means to prevent it that the Judge be kept at home and placed in the State Legislature to fight the measure. I do not propose dwelling longer at this time on this subject. When Judge Trumbull, our other Senator in Congress, returned to Illinois in the month of August, he made a speech at Chicago, in which he made what may be called a charge against Judge Douglas, which I understand proved to be very offensive to him. The Judge was at that time out upon one of his speaking tours through the country, and when the news of it reached him, as I am informed, he denounced Judge Trumbull in rather harsh terms for having said what he did in regard to that matter. I was traveling at that time, and speaking at the same places with Judge Douglas on subsequent days
September 12th (search for this): chapter 11
me, and making a speech in favor of Lincoln, and I will show you under what notice his meeting was called You see these people are Black Republicans or Abolitionists up north, while at Springfield to-day, they dare not call their Convention Republican, but are obliged to say a Convention of all men opposed to the Democratic party, and in Monroe county and lower Egypt Trumbull advertises their meetings as follows: A meeting of the Free Democracy will take place at Waterloo, on Monday, September 12th inst., whereat Hon. Lyman Trumbull, Hon. John Baker, and others, will address the people upon the different political topics of the day. Members of all parties are cordially invited to be present, and hear and determine for themselves. September 9, 1858. the free Democracy Did you ever before hear of this new party called the Free Democracy? What object have these Black Republicans in changing their name in every county? They have one name in the north, another in the cen
October 1st (search for this): chapter 11
l the complete execution of this act no other election shall be held in said Territory, and insert the amendment which I hold in my hand. The amendment was as follows: That all persons who shall possess the other qualifications prescribed for voters under this act, and who shall have been bona fide inhabitants of said Territory since its organization, and who shall have absented themselves therefrom in consequence of the disturbances therein, and who shall return before the first day of October next, and become bona fide inhabitants of the Territory, with the intent of making it their permanent home, and shall present satisfactory evidence of these facts to the Board of Commissioners, shall be entitled to vote at said election, and shall have their names placed on said corrected list of voters for that purpose. That amendment was adopted unanimously. After its adoption, the record shows the following: Mr. Douglas--I have another amendment to offer from the Committe
ure introduced by the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Toombs], and recommended by the Committee, I regard it, in many respects, as a most excellent, bill ; but we must look at it in the light of surrounding circumstances. In the condition of things now existing in the country, I do not consider it as a safe measure, nor one which will give peace, and I will give my reasons. First, it affords no immediate relief. It provides for taking a census of the voters in the Territory, for an election in November, and the assembling of a Convention in December, to form, if it thinks proper, a Constitution for Kansas, preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State. It is not until December that the Convention is to meet. It would take some time to form a Constitution. I suppose that Constitution would have to be ratified by the people before it becomes valid. He there expressly declared that he supposed, under the bill, the Constitution would have to be submitted to the people before i
safe measure, nor one which will give peace, and I will give my reasons. First, it affords no immediate relief. It provides for taking a census of the voters in the Territory, for an election in November, and the assembling of a Convention in December, to form, if it thinks proper, a Constitution for Kansas, preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State. It is not until December that the Convention is to meet. It would take some time to form a Constitution. I suppose that ConstituDecember that the Convention is to meet. It would take some time to form a Constitution. I suppose that Constitution would have to be ratified by the people before it becomes valid. He there expressly declared that he supposed, under the bill, the Constitution would have to be submitted to the people before it became valid. He went on to say: No provision is made in this bill for such a religion. This is objectionable to my mind. I do not think the people should be bound by a Constitution, without passing upon it directly, themselves. Why did he not offer an amendment providing for such
d Democrats differ about this slavery question? On the contrary, did we not, in 1850, unite to a man in favor of that system of Compromise measures which Mr. Clay inion party on the other. Just recollect for a moment the memorable contest of 1850, when this country was agitated from its center to its circumference by the slavhem, and they gave peace and quiet to the country. Those Compromise measures of 1850 were founded upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State truction of Democrats and Whigs both, who supported those Compromise measures of 1850. When I returned home to Chicago, I found the citizens inflamed and infuriated Presidency, they adopted as a part of their platform the Compromise measures of 1850 as the cardinal plank upon which every Whig would stand and by which he would re Mexican war. Again, this was the trouble which was quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was settled forever , as both the great political parties declared in t
were wrong, and did justice to those whom they had blamed and abused unjustly. When the Legislature of this State assembled that year, they proceeded to pass resolutions approving the Compromise measures of 1860. When the Whig party assembled in 1852 at Baltimore in National Convention for the last time, to nominate Scott for the Presidency, they adopted as a part of their platform the Compromise measures of 1850 as the cardinal plank upon which every Whig would stand and by which he would reg month after, to nominate General Pierce, we adopted the same platform so far as those Compromise measures were concerned, agreeing that we would stand by those glorious measures as a cardinal article in the Democratic faith. Thus you see that in 1852 all the old Whigs and all the old Democrats stood on a common plank so far as this slavery question was concerned, differing on other questions. Now, let me ask, how is it that since that time so many of you Whigs have wandered from the true p
chanan was in the conspiracy at Washington in the winter of 1854, when the Nebraska bill was introduced. The history of thi much of the people's attention. You know that prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties, the platform of the old Whigs? You cannot deny that since 1854 there has been a great revolution on this one question. Ho Senate in my place. You all remember that during the year 1854, these two worthy gentlemen, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull, ffice in the State. They canvassed the State against us in 1854, as they are doing now, owning different names and differensectional Abolition party. They carried the Legislature in 1854, and when it assembled in Springfield they proceeded to elekely to come to an end? He introduced the Nebraska bill in 1854 to put another end to the slavery agitation. He promised trgain to sell out the entire Whig and Democratic parties in 1854-Judge Douglas brings forward no evidence to sustain his cha
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