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Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
ecurity to the Southern States short of adopting the last resort —secession. The committee of the Senate, organized in January, 1861, of which the writer of this article was a member, sought diligently to find some basis of adjustment on which a majority of the members representing the three political divisions of the Senate could agree. These divisions were known as the Radicals of the North, the Conservatives of the Middle States, and the Ultras of the South. The venerable Senator of Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, had offered the resolutions which were referred to the committee. Mr. Douglas, Senator from Illinois, after the failure of the committee to agree upon anything, called the attention of the Senate to the fact that it was not the Southern members, naming particularly Toombs and Davis, who obstructed measures for pacification, but the Northern men, who had objected to everything, and on whom he then called for a statement of what they proposed to do, to which no answer was m
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
tion, and ended by proposing a new form of government which was to be submitted to the States, and, if ratified by nine of them, should go into effect as between the States so ratifying it. If only nine consented, what was to become of the other four, and what of the plighted faith to a perpetual union? We are not left to speculation with different numbers; the case did actually occur. Eleven States ratified; two refused; what was to be done? The expedient of raising an army to coerce North Carolina and Rhode Island into an acceptance of the Constitution or new form of government seems not to have occurred to any one of that day, and the situation was especially embarrassing because the Thirteenth Article provided that the union should be perpetual, and that no alteration should be made in any of the Articles of Confederation, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every State. An easy escape from
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
rritories would be the extension of slavery. Though the argument was upon a false basis, it served the purpose of inflaming the Northern mind. At the South the proposition to forbid a citizen who should migrate to the common territory of the United States from taking his slave with him was considered an offensive and unjust denial of equality in the Union, and as such, but not because of any money interest in the question, an intense excitement was created by it. The serious troubles in Kansas were followed by the double-dyed crime of John Brown's invasion of Virginia. He came fresh from the Kansas school, and was fulfilling Mr. Seward's prophecy that abolitionism would invade the South. Though the avowed purpose of the invasion was to disturb domestic tranquillity, which it was one of the proclaimed objects of the Union to secure, arson and murder were its accompaniments. When Brown was tried with due formality, sentenced, and executed according to the laws of the land, inasmu
New England (United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
asserted and rarely, if ever, denied anterior to 1861. It cannot be said that it was then for the first time formally asserted and therefore for the first time denied. The acquisition of Louisiana in 1803 created much dissatisfaction in the New England States, the reason of which was expressed by an eminent citizen of Massachusetts, who said that the influence of our part of the Union must be diminished by the acquisition of more weight at the other extremity. (Life of Cabot, by Lodge, p. 3usion; yet the men who were soon to be most vociferous in declarations of love for the Union were silent when words might have been effectual to save it. It had been but a few years since a hearing had been refused to abolitionist lecturers in New England; but now the eminent orator, Wendell Phillips, exulting in the terrible faction which was ruling in the North, said: It does not know its own face and calls itself national; but it is not national—it is sectional. The Republican party is a pa
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
were the delegates commissioned to speak? Only for the people of Virginia. By whom had grants been made? By the States severally, and the assertion could only mean that to each of them all undelegated power remained. Indeed, there was no other repository from which it could have been drawn; therefore no other in which it could have been said to remain. New York was the eleventh State to assent to the compact of union, and her ratification was made more than seven months after that of Delaware, and was accompanied by a declaration of the principles on which her assent was given, from which the following extract is made: That the powers of government may be reassumed by the people whensoever it shall become necessary to their happiness; that every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, by the said Constitution, clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments of the government thereof, remains to the people of the several States, or to their respect
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
was to transfer the power or only to authorize its use. The usual form of ratification was as in the following examples: The delegates of the people of the State of New Hampshire, in the name and behalf of the people of the State of New Hampshire, etc., and the delegates of the people of Virginia, for and in behalf of the people of Virginia, etc., do assent to and ratify the said Constitution for the United States of America. As had been done by Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and South Carolina in ratifying the Constitution, Virginia required certain amendments as a more explicit guarantee against consolidation, and accompanied the proposition with the following declaration: That the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, may be resumed by them whenever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, and that every power not granted thereby remains with them, etc. For whom were the delegates commissioned to speak?
United States (United States) (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
gan, We the people (not the States) of the United States, it was ratified by the people assembled ierefore these, like other British colonies in America, were dependencies of Great Britain; and to js confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. The meaning of thiede from the confederation styled the United States of America, and form a new government with the s ratify the said Constitution for the United States of America. As had been done by Massachusettsfederations and republics. To protect the United States from that evil, it was sought to secure a en left. De Tocqueville, in his Democracy in America, vol. i, p. 301, writes: The majority to any State, the common territory of the United States, was denied by the North, under the specio787, formed a new union styled the Confederate States of America. The wish of all, and the generon of officers of the army and navy of the United States when continuance in the federal service ca[15 more...]
the right was often asserted and rarely, if ever, denied anterior to 1861. It cannot be said that it was then for the first time formally asserted and therefore for the first time denied. The acquisition of Louisiana in 1803 created much dissatisfaction in the New England States, the reason of which was expressed by an eminent citizen of Massachusetts, who said that the influence of our part of the Union must be diminished by the acquisition of more weight at the other extremity. (Life of Cabot, by Lodge, p. 334.) In 1811, on the bill for the admission of Louisiana as a State of the Union, the Hon. Josiah Quincy, member of Congress from Massachusetts, said: If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of this Union; that it will free the States from their moral obligation; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to prepare for a separation— amicably if they can, violently if they must. The Hartford
were mainly at the North and the exports from the South, this measure to increase the price of imports for the benefit of domestic manufacturers at the North was usurping an undelegated power, by sectional discrimination, in disregard of the obligation to establish justice and promote the general welfare. It was a twofold injustice to the South, by increasing the cost of its imports and diminishing the value of its exports in the markets of exchange. In this connection I will quote from Mr. Benton, a statesman of long experience and close observation, and not particularly friendly to the South. He says: Under federal legislation the exports of the South have been the basis of the federal revenue. He names four Southern States as contributing three-fourths of the annual expense of the federal government, and adds: Of this great sum annually furnished by them, nothing, or next to nothing, is returned to them in the shape of government expenditures. That expenditure flows in a
thought the men who formed the Constitution. They sought through every conceivable device to protect minorities from the despotism which majorities are ever prone to inflict, and I must insist that while each State retained its sovereignty it had a shield against the despotism of a majority in its power to withdraw to the precints of its own dominion; and this, if the majority were heedless of every appeal to justice and their compact, was the only remedy which seems to have been left. De Tocqueville, in his Democracy in America, vol. i, p. 301, writes: The majority in that country exercise a prodigious actual authority and a moral influence which is scarcely less preponderant; no obstacles exist which can impede or so much as retard its progress, or which induce it to heed the complaints of those whom it crushes upon its path. Mr. Madison, in the Virginia convention of 1788, said: Turbulence, violence, and abuse of power by the majority trampling on the rights of the
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