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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.). Search the whole document.

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Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 1.9
rcion of the colony began. The first Continental Congress, which met at Philadelphia 5 September, adopted a set of Declarations and resolves, Text in W. MacDonald, Select Charters, 357-361. similar in tone and general argument to those of the Stamp Act Congress, but containing a significant admission of the right of Parliament to regulate the external trade of the colonies, provided the aim were regulation and not taxation. A petition to the king and an address to the inhabitants of Canada, both drafted by Dickinson, were also adopted, together with a memorial to the inhabitants of British America, drawn by Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, and an eloquent address to the people of Great Britain, the work of John Jay of New York, later the first chief-justice of the United States Supreme Court. An agreement known as the Association Text in W. MacDonald. Select Charters, 362-367. pledged the people of the colonies to commercial non-intercourse with Great Britain, and to the e
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
s of assistance. Like Otis, Thacher's legal argument closes with a strong profession of loyalty to the crown, and there is no good ground for thinking that in either case the profession was insincere. Argument and dissent were an Englishman's right, and the constitution had grown by protest against abuses. An even more effective statement of the American case is found in The rights of colonies examined, a pamphlet written by Stephen Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, and published at Providence in 1765. Admitting the right of Parliament to regulate the affairs of the whole empire, Hopkins not only claims for the colonies as much freedom as the mother state from which they went out, but dwells forcibly upon the dangerous tendency of the new policy, the widespread apprehension which it has already aroused, and the absence of any clear necessity for raising an American revenue by parliamentary fiat. What motive . . . can remain, to induce the parliament to abridge the privileges
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
of the Convention in September, and the submission of the Constitution to ratifying conventions in the states, the public became for the first time acquainted with the pending scheme of government; and the great debate on ratification began. The newspapers teemed with political essays, and pamphlets multiplied. The Constitution lacked neither friends nor foes. On the side of the Constitution were James Sullivan of Massachusetts, with his eleven letters of Cassius; Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, with thirteen letters of A Landholder; Roger Sherman of the same state, who contributed five letters of A Countryman and two of A Citizen of New Haven; and John Dickinson, in his Letters of Fabius. The opposing views of the Anti-federalists were vigorously set forth by Agrippa, whose eighteen letters are probably to be ascribed to James Winthrop of Massachusetts; by George Clinton of New York, who published seven letters under the name of Cato; by Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney;
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 1.9
e King of Great Britain and denunciation of the King of France, and vague suggestions as to the nature of human rights, the privileges of the colonies under the British constitution were stoutly maintained. Neither historically nor legally was the argument beyond question, and the claim of right was a call to the future rather than an interpretation of the past. What was said, however, was said with vigour and incisiveness, and to Otis's provincial audience carried weight. The treaty of Paris, ceding to Great Britain all the vast possessions of France on the mainland of North America, together with Florida and other Spanish territory east of the Mississippi, was concluded 10 February, 1763. On the 23d of that month, Charles Townshend became first lord of trade, with the oversight of colonial administration, in the short-lived ministry of Bute, and some far-reaching changes in the colonial system were presently announced. The salaries of governors and judges, hitherto paid by th
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
uct of military affairs; but few of these are predominantly political in character, almost none were printed in America at the time, and the publication of nearly all of those by American authors dates from years long subsequent to the war. Of the war-time pamphlets, the most important are the series to which the author, Thomas Paine, gave the title of The crisis. The first issue of the series had its origin in the gloom and despondency occasioned by Washington's famous retreat across New Jersey, in the fall and early winter of 1776; a retreat which to many seemed to presage the speedy collapse of the American cause. On 18 December, Washington, irritated and alarmed at the rapid dwindling of his army under the operation of short-term enlistment, wrote to his brother: Between you and me, I think our affairs are in a very bad situation; not so much from the apprehension of General Howe's army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania . . . In a word, my dear
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
repeal of the Stamp Act was under discussion, showed a statesmanlike knowledge of American conditions, and dexterity and boldness in defending the patriot cause. In January, 1768, he contributed to The London chronicle an article entitled Causes of the American Discontents before 1768, and later in the year he wrote a short preface for a London reprint of Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer. For the next five years Franklin was occupied with his duties as colonial agent of Massachusetts, Georgia, and other colonies. His writings during that period consist almost wholly of letters, and of articles on electricity and economic subjects. Then, in September, 1773, he attacked the colonial policy of Hillsborough in Rules by which a great Empire may be reduced to a small one, following this, early in 1774, with an article On the rise and progress of the differences between great Britain and her American colonies. The publication of the Hutchinson letters, although it brought official c
Holland (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 1.9
freedom, was a demonstration that the hour and the man had met. The period of active hostilities (1775-1781), which had already begun when the Declaration of Independence was adopted, was not characterized by literary activity. On the American side, at least, the case had been fully stated, and with the decision of the Congress to accept no terms of conciliation that did not recognize independence, there was no longer an English-speaking audience to which to appeal; while to France and Holland, whose aid was sought, the appeal was necessarily diplomatic rather than literary. With the recourse to arms, pamphleteers and essayists entered the army, or busied themselves with public service in Congress, state, or local community. Dickinson, who had drawn back when independence severed allegiance to the crown, nevertheless shouldered a musket. The loyalists were overawed or driven out, and their writings belong thereafter to the countries of their exile. Newspapers were few, paper
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
ant. Noah Webster, best known to later generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An American Citizen ; and David Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by Richard Henry Lee, in his Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government proposed by the late Convention, and by George Mason of Virginia, in his Objections to the proposed Federal Constitution, to the lat
Quincy (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
III, the surveyor-general of customs at Boston applied to the Superior Court of Massachusetts for the reissuance of writs of assistance, A form of writ is given in W. MacDonald, Select Charters, 259-261. The best account of the subject is in Quincy, Massachusetts reports, 395-540. granting authority to search for and seize uncustomed goods, some merchants of Boston and others combined to oppose the application. James Otis the younger, for ten years past one of the leaders of the Massachuseion, I, 272 note. has suggested that the larger part of the pamphlet, dealing with civil society and standing armies, had been carefully prepared some time before, advantage being taken of the Port Act to publish the work with an expanded title. Quincy's pamphlet was shortly followed by James Wilson's Considerations on the nature and the extent of the legislative authority of the British Parliament, an ingenious rejection of such authority in favour of allegiance to the king alone. The writer,
Patrick Henry (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
s, so far as such bodies were able to meet, were also printed, together with occasional proclamations and other public documents. The letters of American statesmen, particularly Washington, Franklin, John Adams, Samuel Adams, John Jay, and Patrick Henry, published long afterwards in collected editions, existed for the most part only in manuscript; but their quasipublic character, together with their circulation from hand to hand, often gave to them, to an extent much greater than would be thy on diplomatic service, the former in France, the latter at the Court of St. James; and Franklin, prince of American diplomatists, was not, in the larger field of government, a constructive statesman. But Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Patrick Henry, and other leaders were busy with their pens, discussing with one another, particularly in the interval from 1785 to 1787, the defects of the Articles, the need of a firmer national organization, and the practical possibilities of united acti
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