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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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September 5th, 1835 AD (search for this): chapter 11
t Peterborough, Madison County, and there completed their organization. At the South, there was but one mode of dealing with Abolitionists — that described by Henry A. Wise as made up of Dupont's best [Gunpowder], and cold steel. Let your emissaries cross the Potomac, writes the Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to The Emancipator, and I can promise you that your fate will be no less than Haman's. At a public meeting convened in the church in the town of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1835, it was Resolved, That it is our decided opinion, that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the Abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in the course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of immediate death: and we doubt not that such would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of the State of Mississippi where he may be found. Says the Rev. William Plummer, D. D
1846 AD (search for this): chapter 11
asked for, and refused, to a petition headed by Rev. William E. Channing--to consider the circumstances attending the death of Mr. Lovejoy. The District of Columbia was originally composed of a hundred square miles of territory, lying on both sides of the river Potomac, at the head of navigation on that stream. The forty square miles south of that river, forming the county and including the city of Alexandria, were ceded to the Union in 1789 by Virginia, and retroceded to that State in 1846--the movement for retrocession having, doubtless, some covert reference to the probability or prospect of disunion. The sixty square miles lying north of the Potomac — forming the county of Washington, and including the cities of Washington and Georgetown — were ceded by Maryland in 1788, and now compose the entire District; so that Washington is commanded, within easy shelling distance, by hights which, in case the separation of Virginia from the Union were conceded, would be part and parce
April 16th, 1835 AD (search for this): chapter 11
ny interest but that of Satan. Its first exhibition of a combative or belligerent tendency had for its object the Roman Catholics and their dogmas; but this, though it naturally provoked some resentment in a city so largely Catholic as St. Louis, excited no tumult or violence. Its first articles concerning Slavery were exceedingly moderate in their tone, and favorable rather to Colonization than to immediate Abolition. Even when the editor first took decided ground against Slavery, April 16, 1835. he still affirmed his hostility to immediate, unconditional emancipation. This article was, in part, based on an editorial in The St. Louis Republican, of the preceding week, which — discussing a proposed Convention to revise the Constitution of that State--said: We look to the Convention as a happy means of relieving the State, at some future day, of an evil which is destroying all our wholesome energies, and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise, and in wealth, behind the neighbo
September, 1826 AD (search for this): chapter 11
e matter. Elijah P. Lovejoy, son of Rev. Daniel Lovejoy, and the eldest of seven children, was born at Albion, Maine, November 9, 1802. His ancestors, partly English and partly Scotch, all of the industrious middle class, had been citizens of New Hampshire and of Maine for several generations. He was distinguished, from early youth, alike for diligence in labor and for zeal and success in the acquisition of knowledge. He graduated with high honors at Waterville College, Maine, in September, 1826. In May following, he turned his face westward, and in the autumn of that year found employment as a teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he became editor of a political journal, of the National Republican faith, and was thence actively engaged in politics of the Clay and Webster school, until January, 1832, when he was brought under deep religious impressions, and the next month united with the Presbyterian Church. Relinquishing his political pursuits and prospects, he engaged in a course
1850 AD (search for this): chapter 11
ress proceeded, soon after, to pass an act, apparently without much consideration or forecast, whereby the then existing laws of Maryland and Virginia were to continue in full force and effect over those portions of the Federal District ceded by them respectively, until Congress should otherwise enact; and, as those States were undoubtedly Slave States, their slave laws continued operative herein, with little or no modification or improvement, down to the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850. Very naturally, the creation out of nothing of such a city as Washington, with its adoption as the capital of the Republic, combined with its favorable location, served to render it an extensive mart for the prosecution of the domestic Slave-Trade. Some of the largest purchasers in Maryland and Virginia for the cotton and sugar region located themselves at this point, fitted up their slavepens, and advertised in the leading journals of the Capital their readiness to buy and sell young an
1835 AD (search for this): chapter 11
for mobs. Hie was finally induced to desist and return to England, from a conviction that the prejudice aroused by his interference in what was esteemed a domestic difference overbalanced the good effect of his lectures. The close of this year (1835) was signalized by the conversion of Gerrit Smith — hitherto a leading and zealous Colonizationist — to the principles of the Abolitionists. In Northfield, New Hampshire, December 14, 1835, Rev. George Storrs attempted to deliver an anti-Slavera number of persons — mainly of Northern birth — who were seized at various points throughout the South on suspicion of being anti-Slavery, and very summarily put to death — some with, and some without, a mob trial. Had there been any proof In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison County, Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave insurrection existed. Five negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet put forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real evidence
July 29th, 1835 AD (search for this): chapter 11
not be appeased without blood-shed. The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their innocence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. In a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a kind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man. against them, they would doubtless have been left to the operation of the laws for such cases made and provided; for these were certainly harsh enough to satisfy even Wise himself. At Charleston, S. C., July 29, 1835, it was noised about that the mails just arrived from the North contained a quantity of Abolition periodicals and documents. A public meeting was thereupon called, which the Reverend Clergy of the city attended in a body, lending, says The Courier of next morning, their sanction to the proceedings, and adding, by their presence, to the impressive character of the scene. This meeting unanimously resolved that all the mail matter in question should be burnt, and it was burnt accordingly
August 24th (search for this): chapter 11
catory, he doubtless irritated and annoyed his adversaries by pointing to the fact — in refuting their slang about amalgamation — that the then Col. Richard M. Johnson.Vice-President of the United States has been, if he is not now, the father of slaves. And thousands have voted to elevate him to his present condition, who would crucify an Abolitionist on the bare suspicion of favoring, though only in theory, such an amalgamation. How shall we account for such inconsistency? On the 24th of August, he issued an appeal to the friends of law and order for aid in reestablishing The Observer; and this appeal was promptly and generously responded to. Having obtained a sufficient amount in Alton and Quincy alone, he sent to Cincinnati to purchase new printing materials. Meantime, he issued an address, submitting To the friends of the Redeemer in Alton his resignation of the editorship of the paper, offering to hand over to them the subscription-list, now exceeding two thousand names, o
January 11th, 1836 AD (search for this): chapter 11
he House; Yeas 180, Nays 31--the Nays all from the North, and mainly Whigs. On the 18th, Mr Jackson, of Massachusetts, offered a similar petition from the citizens of the town of Wrentham; and Mr. Hammond of South Carolina, moved that it be not received; which was met by a motion to lay on the table. This was rejected — Yeas 95, Nays 121. But, finally, a proposition that the petition and all motions regarding it be laid on the table was carried — Yeas 140; Nays 76. Mr. Buchanan January 11, 1836. presented a memorial of the Cain (Pennsylvania) quarterly meeting of Friends, asking for the same in substance as the above. Though opposed to granting the prayer of the petition, he preferred its reference to a Select Committee or that on the District. But, finding that there were insurmountable obstacles to such a reference, he would move that the memorial be read, and that the prayer of the memorialists be rejected. The question being demanded on Mr. Buchanan's motion, it was car
January 18th, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 11
erred, be laid upon the table. This resolve was adopted — Yeas 117, Nays 68; the Nays being substantially, but not entirely, composed of the Whig members from the Free States. Amazing as it may seem, this heroic treatment was not successful in arresting agitation, and restoring tranquillity to the public mind ; so that, when this Congress met for the second session, it was found necessary to do the work all over again. Accordingly, Mr. Albert G. Hawes, (Democrat) of Kentucky, January 18, 1837. offered a resolution, providing: That all memorials, etc., on the subject of the abolition of Slavery, should be laid on the table, without being referred or printed, and that no further action should be had thereon. Which was adopted-Yeas 129; Nays 69--the Nays mainly Northern Whigs, as before. All debate was precluded by the Previous Question. And still the agitation refused to be controlled or allayed; so that, on the meeting of the next Congress, Mr. Patton, of Virginia
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