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to trust either the candidate or the men who, in case of his election, would naturally become his advisers.
It was too close to the Civil War, and too many of its issues yet remained to be settled and disposed of, for the country to intrust the Democratic party with the control of the government.
Greeley was generally admitted to be entirely honest, but he was also fantastic and easily imposed upon.
The ultra-Democrats, who would have contributed the majority of votes, would have claimed, and, according to precedent, would have received, the majority of the federal offices.
In short, it was widely believed that the election of Greeley would put the old secessionists, with all their heresies, in power; and, on the sober second thought, the country was not willing to agree to this.
Besides, there seemed to be an element of quixotism not only in the candidate but in the influence that secured his nomination.
He had up to the close of the war been regarded with hatred by the Southerners as a radical abolitionist, and although, as soon as the war was over, he had become the exponent of forgiveness and amnesty, thus winning their hearts, there were still thousands on both sides of the line who could not realize that the union between Greeley and the Democrats was genuine and enduring.
It has been suggested that Dana's earlier advocacy of the “Philosopher of the tribune” began in a spirit of fun, and that it could not be sincere, and that the campaign for his election was hopeless from the start.
To this Dana paid but little attention till after the campaign had ended in Greeley's defeat and death.
To such as look below the surface, Dana's course at this time appears to have been not only genuine and disinterested, but exceedingly useful to the country at large.
In the light of subsequent events, it must be conceded that it was significantly vindicated by the Independent Republican
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