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Chapter 1:

From the time that the election of the President was declared, early in November, 1860, the military spirit of the people of South Carolina was thoroughly awake. Secession from the Union was in the air, and when it came, on the 20th of December following, it was received as the ultimate decision of duty and the call of the State to arms. The one sentiment, everywhere expressed by the vast majority of the people, was the sentiment of independence; and the universal resolve was the determination to maintain the secession of the State at any and every cost.

The militia of the State was, at the time, her only arm of defense, and every part of it was put under orders.

Of the State militia, the largest organized body was the Fourth brigade of Charleston, commanded by Brig.-Gen. James Simons. This body of troops was well organized, well drilled and armed, and was constantly under the orders of the governor and in active service from the 27th of December, 1860, to the last of April, 1861. Some of the commands continued in service until the Confederate regiments, battalions and batteries were organized and finally absorbed all the effective material of the brigade.

This efficient brigade was composed of the following commands: [5]

First regiment of rifles: Col. J. J. Pettigrew, Lieut.-Col. John L. Branch, Maj. Ellison Capers, Adjt. Theodore G. Barker, Quartermaster Allen Hanckel, Commissary L. G. Young, Surg. George Trescot, Asst. Surg. Thomas L. Ozier, Jr. Companies: Washington Light Infantry, Capt. C. H. Simonton; Moultrie Guards, Capt. Barnwell W. Palmer; German Riflemen, Capt. Jacob Small; Palmetto Riflemen, Capt. Alex. Melchers; Meagher Guards, Capt. Edward McCrady, Jr.; Carolina Light Infantry, Capt. Gillard Pinckney; Zouave Cadets, Capt. C. E. Chichester.

Seventeenth regiment: Col. John Cunningham, Lieut.-Col. William P. Shingler, Maj. J. J. Lucas, Adjt. F. A. Mitchel. Companies: Charleston Riflemen, Capt. Joseph Johnson, Jr.; Irish Volunteers, Capt. Edward McGrath; Cadet Riflemen, Capt. W. S. Elliott; Montgomery Guards, Capt. James Conner; Union Light Infantry, Capt. David Ramsay; German Fusiliers, Capt. Samuel Lord, Jr.; Palmetto Guards, Capt. Thomas W. Middleton; Sumter Guards, Capt. Henry C. King; Emmet Volunteers, Capt. P. Grace; Calhoun Guards, Capt. John Fraser.

First regiment of artillery: Col. E. H. Locke, Lieut.-Col. W. G. De Saussure, Maj. John A. Wagener, Adjt. James Simmons, Jr.

Light batteries: Marion Artillery, Capt. J. G. King; Washington Artillery, Capt. George H. Walter; Lafayette Artillery, Capt. J. J. Pope; German Artillery (A), Capt. C. Nohrden; German Artillery (B), Capt. H. Harms.

Cavalry: Charleston Light Dragoons, Capt. B. H. Rutledge; German Hussars, Capt. Theodore Cordes; Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, Capt. C. K. Huger.

Volunteer corps in the fire department: Vigilant Rifles, Capt. S. V. Tupper; Phoenix Rifles, Capt. Peter C. Gaillard; Aetna Rifles, Capt. E. F. Sweegan; Marion Rifles, Capt. C. B. Sigwald. [6]

Charleston, the metropolis and seaport, for a time absorbed the interest of the whole State, for it was everywhere felt that the issue of secession, so far as war with the government of the United States was concerned, must be determined in her harbor. The three forts which had been erected by the government for the defense of the harbor, Moultrie, Castle Pinckney and Sumter, were built upon land ceded by the State for that purpose, and with the arsenal and grounds in Charleston, constituted the property of the United States.

The secession of South Carolina having dissolved her connection with the government of the United States, the question of the possession of the forts in the harbor and of the military post at the arsenal became at once a question of vital interest to the State. Able commissioners, Robert W. Barnwell, James H. Adams and James L. Orr, were elected and sent by the convention of the State to treat with the government at Washington for an amicable settlement of this important question, and other questions growing out of the new relation which South Carolina bore to the Union. Pending the action of the commissioners in Washington, an unfortunate move was made by Maj. Robert Anderson, of the United States army, who commanded the only body of troops stationed in the harbor, which ultimately compelled the return of the commissioners and led to the most serious complications. An understanding had been established between the authorities in Washington and the members of Congress from South Carolina, that the forts would not be attacked, or seized as an act of war, until proper negotiations for their cession to the State had been made and had failed; provided that they were not reinforced, and their military status should remain as it was at the time of this understanding, viz., on December 9, 1860.

Fort Sumter, in the very mouth of the harbor, was in an unfinished state and without a garrison. On the night of the 26th of December, 1860, Maj. Robert Anderson [7] dismantled Fort Moultrie and removed his command by boats over to Fort Sumter. The following account of the effect of this removal of Major Anderson upon the people, and the action of the government, is taken from Brevet Major-General Crawford's ‘Genesis of the Civil War.’ General Crawford was at the time on the medical staff and one of Anderson's officers. His book is a clear and admirable narrative of the events of those most eventful days, and is written in the spirit of the utmost candor and fairness. In the conclusion of the chapter describing the removal, he says:

The fact of the evacuation of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson was soon communicated to the authorities and people of Charleston, creating intense excitement. Crowds collected in streets and open places of the city, and loud and violent were the expressions of feeling against Major Anderson and his action. . . . [The governor of the State was ready to act in accordance with the feeling displayed.] On the morning of the 27th, he dispatched his aide-de-camp, Col. Johnston Pettigrew, of the First South Carolina Rifles, to Major Anderson. He was accompanied by Maj. Ellison Capers, of his regiment. Arriving at Fort Sumter, Colonel Pettigrew sent a card inscribed, ‘Colonel Pettigrew, First Regiment Rifles, S. C. M., Aide-de-Camp to the Governor, Commissioner to Major Anderson. Ellison Capers, Major First Regiment Rifles, S. C. M.’ . . . Colonel Pettigrew and his companion were ushered into the room. The feeling was reserved and formal, when, after declining seats, Colonel Pettigrew immediately opened his mission: ‘Major Anderson,’ said he, ‘can I communicate with you now, sir, before these officers, on the subject for which I am here?’ ‘Certainly, sir,’ replied Major Anderson, ‘these are all my officers; I have no secrets from them, sir.’

The commissioner then informed Major Anderson that he was directed to say to him that the governor was much surprised that he had reinforced ‘this work.’ Major Anderson promptly responded that there had been no reinforcement of the work; that he had removed his command from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, as he had a right to do, being in command of all the forts in the harbor. To this Colonel Pettigrew replied that when [8] the present governor (Pickens) came into office, he found an understanding existing between the previous governor (Gist) and the President of the United States, by which all property within the limits of the State was to remain as it was; that no reinforcements were to be sent here, particularly to this post; that there was to be no attempt made against the public property by the State, and that the status in the harbor should remain unchanged. He was directed also to say to Major Anderson that it had been hoped by the governor that a peaceful solution of the difficulties could have been reached, and a resort to arms and bloodshed might have been avoided; but that the governor thought the action of Major Anderson had greatly complicated matters, and that he did not now see how bloodshed could be avoided; that he had desired and intended that the whole matter might be fought out politically and without the arbitration of the sword, but that now it was uncertain, if not impossible.

To this Major Anderson replied, that as far as any understanding between the President and the governor was concerned, he had not been informed; that he knew nothing of it; that he could get no information or positive orders from Washington, and that his position was threatened every night by the troops of the State. He was then asked by Major Capers, who accompanied Colonel Pettigrew, ‘How?’ when he replied, ‘By sending out steamers armed and conveying troops on board;’ that these steamers passed the fort going north, and that he feared a landing on the island and the occupation of the sand-hills just north of the fort; that 100 riflemen on these hills, which commanded his fort, would make it impossible for his men to serve their guns; and that any man with a military head must see this. ‘To prevent this,’ said he earnestly, ‘I removed on my own responsibility, my sole object being to prevent bloodshed.’ Major Capers replied that the steamer was sent out for patrol purposes, and as much to prevent disorder among his own people as to ascertain whether any irregular attempt was being made to reinforce the fort, and that the idea of attacking him was never entertained by the little squad who patroled the harbor.

Major Anderson replied to this that he was wholly in the dark as to the intentions of the State troops, but that he [9] had reason to believe that they meant to land and attack him from the north; that the desire of the governor to have the matter settled peacefully and without bloodshed was precisely his object in removing his command from Moultrie to Sumter; that he did it upon his own responsibility alone, because he considered that the safety of his command required it, as he had a right to do. ‘In this controversy,’ said he, ‘between the North and the South, my sympathies are entirely with the South. These gentlemen,’ said he (turning to the officers of the post who stood about him), ‘know it perfectly well.’ Colonel Pettigrew replied, ‘Well, sir, however that may be, the governor of the State directs me to say to you courteously but peremptorily, to return to Fort Moultrie.’ ‘Make my compliments to the governor (said Anderson) and say to him that I decline to accede to his request; I cannot and will not go back.’ ‘Then, sir,’ said Pettigrew, ‘my business is done,’ when both officers, without further ceremony or leavetaking, left the fort.

Colonel Pettigrew and Major Capers returned to the city and made their report to the governor and council who were in session in the council chamber of the city hall. That afternoon Major Anderson raised the flag of his country over Sumter, and went vigorously to work mounting his guns and putting the fort in military order. The same afternoon the governor issued orders to Colonel Pettigrew, First regiment of rifles, and to Col. W. G. De Saussure, First regiment artillery, commanding them to take immediate possession of Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie. Neither fort was garrisoned, and the officers in charge, after making a verbal protest, left and went to Fort Sumter, and the Palmetto flag was raised over Moultrie and Pinckney. In the same manner the arsenal in Charleston was taken possession of by a detachment of the Seventeenth regiment, South Carolina militia, Col. John Cunningham, and Fort Johnson on James island, by Capt. Joseph Johnson, commanding the Charleston Riflemen. The governor also ordered a battery to be built for two 24-pounders on Morris island, bearing on Ship channel, and his order was speedily put into execution [10] by Maj. P. F. Stevens, superintendent of the South Carolina military academy, with a detachment of the cadets, supported by the Vigilant Rifles, Captain Tupper. This battery was destined soon to fire the first gun of the war. In taking possession of the forts and the arsenal, every courtesy was shown the officers in charge, Captain Humphreys, commanding the arsenal, saluting his flag before surrendering the property.

By the possession of Forts Moultrie and Pinckney and the arsenal in Charleston, their military stores fell into the hands of the State of South Carolina, and by the governor's orders a careful inventory was made at once of all the property and duly reported to him. At Moultrie there were sixteen 24-pounders, nineteen 32-pounders, ten 8-inch columbiads, one 10-inch seacoast mortar, four 6-pounders, two 12-pounders and four 24-pounderhowitzers and a large supply of ammunition. At Castle Pinckney the armament was nearly complete and the magazine well filled with powder. At the arsenal there was a large supply of military stores, heavy ordnance and small-arms. These exciting events were followed by the attempt of the government to succor Major Anderson with supplies and reinforce his garrison.

The supplies and troops were sent in a large merchant steamer, the Star of the West. She crossed the bar early on the morning of January 9, 1861 , and steamed up Ship channel, which runs for miles parallel with Morris island, and within range of guns of large caliber. Her course lay right under the 24-pounder battery commanded by Major Stevens and manned by the cadets. This battery was supported by the Zouave Cadets, Captain Chichester; the German Riflemen, Captain Small, and the Vigilant Rifles, Captain Tupper. When within range a shot was fired across her bow, and not heeding it, the battery fired directly upon her. Fort Moultrie also fired a few shots, [11] and the Star of the West rapidly changed her course and, turning round, steamed out of the range of the guns, having received but little material damage by the fire.

Major Anderson acted with great forbearance and judgment, and did not open his batteries. He declared his purpose to be patriotic, and so it undoubtedly was. He wrote to the governor that, influenced by the hope that the firing on the Star of the West was not supported by the authority of the State, he had refrained from opening fire upon the batteries, and declared that unless it was promptly disclaimed he would regard it as an act of war, and after waiting a reasonable time he would fire upon all vessels coming within range of his guns.

The governor promptly replied, justifying the action of the batteries in firing upon the vessel, and giving his reasons in full. He pointed out to Major Anderson that his removal to Fort Sumter and the circumstances attending it, and his attitude since were a menace to the State of a purpose of coercion; that the bringing into the harbor of more troops and supplies of war was in open defiance of the State, and an assertion of a purpose to reduce her to abject submission to the government she had discarded; that the vessel had been fairly warned not to continue her course, and that his threat to fire upon the vessels in the harbor was in keeping with the evident purpose of the government of the United States to dispute the right of South Carolina to dissolve connection with the Union. This right was not to be debated or questioned, urged the governor, and the coming of the Star of the West, sent by the order of the President, after being duly informed by commissioners sent to him by the convention of the people of the State to fully inform him of the act of the State in seceding from the Union, and of her claim of rights and privileges in the premises, could have no other meaning than that of open and hostile disregard for the asserted independence of South Carolina. To defend that independence and to resent and resist any and every [12] act of coercion are ‘too plainly a duty,’ said Governor Pickens, ‘to allow it to be discussed.’

To the governor's letter Major Anderson replied, that he would refer the whole matter to the government at Washington, and defer his purpose to fire upon vessels in the harbor until he could receive his instructions in reply. Thus a truce was secured, and meanwhile active preparations for war were made daily by Major Anderson in Fort Sumter and by Governor Pickens on the islands surrounding it. War seemed inevitable, and the whole State, as one man, was firmly resolved to meet it.

The legislature had passed a bill on December 17th providing for the organization of ten regiments for the defense of the State, and the convention had ordered the formation of a regiment for six months service, to be embodied at once, the governor to appoint the field officers. This last was ‘Gregg's First regiment,’ which was organized in January, 1861 , and on duty on Sullivan's and Morris islands by the 1st of February following. The governor appointed Maxcy Gregg, of Columbia, colonel; Col. A. H. Gladden, who had been an officer of the Palmetto regiment in the Mexican war, lieutenantcol-onel; and D. H. Hamilton, the late marshal of the United States court in South Carolina, major. On March 6, 1861 , the adjutant-general of the State reported to Gen. M. L. Bonham, whom the governor had commissioned major-general, to command the division formed. under the act of December 17, 1860, that he had received into the service of the State 104 companies, under the said act of the legislature, aggregating an effective force of 8,836 men and officers; that these companies had been formed into ten regiments and the regiments into four brigades.

These regiments were mustered for twelve months service, were numbered respectively from 1 to 10, inclusive, and commanded by Cols. Johnson Hagood, J. B. Kershaw, J. H. Williams, J. B. E. Sloan, M. Jenkins, [13] J. H. Rion, T. G. Bacon, E. B. Cash, J. D. Blanding, and A. M. Manigault.

The brigadier-generals appointed by the governor under the act above referred to, were R. G. M. Dunovant and P. H. Nelson. By an act of the legislature, January 28, 1861 , the governor was authorized to raise a battalion of artillery and a regiment of infantry, both to be formed and enlisted in the service of the State as regulars, and to form the basis of the regular army of South Carolina. The governor appointed, under the act, R. S. Ripley, lieutenant-colonel in command of the artillery battalion, and Richard Anderson, colonel of the infantry regiment. The artillery battalion was afterward increased to a regiment, and the regiment of infantry converted, practically, into a regiment of artillery. Both regiments served in the forts and batteries of the harbor throughout the war, with the greatest distinction, as will afterward appear. These troops, with the Fourth brigade, South Carolina militia, were under the orders of the government and were practically investing Fort Sumter.

The States of Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas, having left the Union during the month of January, and the Confederate government having been organized early in February, at Montgomery, President Davis, on the 1st of March, ordered Brigadier-General Beauregard to Charleston to report for duty to Governor Pickens. Thenceforward this distinguished soldier became the presiding genius of military operations in and around Charleston.

Repeated demands having been made upon Major Anderson, and upon the President, for the relinquishment of Fort Sumter, and these demands having been refused and the government at Washington having concluded to supply and reinforce the fort by force of arms, it was determined to summon Major Anderson to evacuate the fort, for the last time. Accordingly, on April 11th, General Beauregard sent him the following communication: [14]

Headquarters Provisional Army, C. S. A., Charleston, April 11, 1861.
Sir: The government of the Confederate States has hitherto foreborne from any hostile demonstrations against Fort Sumter, in hope that the government of the United States, with a view to the amicable adjustment of all questions between the two governments, and to avert the calamities of war, would voluntarily evacuate it.

There was reason at one time to believe that such would be the course pursued by the government of the United States, and under that impression my government has refrained from making any demand for the surrender of the fort. But the Confederate States can no longer delay assuming actual possession of a fortification commanding the entrance of one of their harbors and necessary to its defense and security.

I am ordered by the government of the Confederate States to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My aides, Colonel Chestnut and Captain Lee, are authorized to make such demand of you. All proper facilities will be afforded for the removal of yourself and command, together with company arms and property, and all private property, to any post in the United States which you may select. The flag which you have upheld so long and with so much fortitude, under the most trying circumstances, may be saluted by you on taking it down. Colonel Chestnut and Captain Lee will, for a reasonable time, await your answer.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

G. T. Beauregard, Brigadier-General Commanding.

Major Anderson replied as follows:

Fort Sumter, S. C., April 11, 1861.
General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort, and to say, in reply thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor, and of my obligations to my government, prevent my compliance. Thanking you for the fair, manly and courteous terms proposed,. and for the high compliment paid me,

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Robert Anderson, Major, First Artillery, Commanding.


Major Anderson, while conversing with the messengers of General Beauregard, having remarked that he would soon be starved into a surrender of the fort, or words to that effect, General Beauregard was induced to address him a second letter, in which he proposed that the major should fix a time at which he would agree to evacuate, and agree also not to use his guns against the Confederate forces unless they fired upon him, and so doing, he, General Beauregard, would abstain from hostilities. To this second letter Major Anderson replied, naming noon on the 15th, provided that no hostile act was committed by the Confederate forces, or any part of them, and provided, further, that he should not, meanwhile, receive from the government at Washington controlling instructions or additional supplies.

The fleet which was to reinforce and supply him was then collecting outside the bar, and General Beauregard at once notified him, at 3:20 a. m. on the morning of the 12th of April, that he would open fire on the fort in one hour from that time.

The shell which opened the momentous bombardment of Fort Sumter was fired from a mortar, located at Fort Johnson on James island, at 4:30 on the morning of the 12th.

For over three months the troops stationed on the islands surrounding Fort Sumter had been constantly employed building batteries, mounting guns, and making every preparation for the defense of the harbor, and, if necessary, for an attack on the fort if the government at Washington persisted in its refusal to order its evacuation. Lieut.-Col. R. S. Ripley, an able and energetic soldier, commanded the artillery on Sullivan's island, with his headquarters at Fort Moultrie, Brigadier-General Dunovant commanding the island. Under Ripley's direction, six 10-inch mortars and twenty guns bore on Sumter. The guns were 24, 32 and 42 pounders, 8-inch columbiads and one 9-inch Dahlgren. [16] The supports to the batteries were the First regiment of rifles, Colonel Pettigrew; the regiment of infantry, South Carolina regulars, Col. Richard Anderson; the Charleston Light Dragoons, Capt. B. H. Rutledge, and the German Flying Artillery, the latter attached to Col. Pettigrew's command, stationed at the east end of the island. These commands, with Ripley's battalion of South Carolina regular artillery and Capt. Robert Martin's mortar battery on Mount Pleasant, made up the force under General Dunovant.

On Morris island, Gen. James Simons was commanding, with Lieut.-Col. W. G. De Saussure for his artillery chief, and Maj. W. H. C. Whiting for chief of staff. The infantry supports on the island were the regiments of Cols. John Cunningham, Seventeenth South Carolina militia, and Maxcy Gregg, Johnson Hagood and J. B. Kershaw, of the South Carolina volunteers. The artillery was in position bearing on Ship channel, and at Cummings point, bearing on Sumter. The fleet making no attempt to come in, the channel batteries took no part in the bombardment of Sumter.

On Cummings point, six 10-inch mortars and six guns were placed. To the command and direction of these guns, Maj. P. F. Stevens was specially assigned. One of the batteries on the point was of unique structure, hitherto unknown in war. Three 8-inch columbiads were put in battery under a roofing of heavy timbers, laid at an angle of forty degrees, and covered with railroad T iron. Portholes were cut and these protected by heavy iron shutters, raised and lowered from the inside of the battery. This battery was devised and built by Col. Clement H. Stevens, of Charleston, afterward a brigadier-general and mortally wounded in front of Atlanta, July 20, 1864, leading his brigade. ‘Stevens' iron battery,’ as it was called, was ‘the first ironclad fortification ever erected,’ and initiated the present system of armor-plated vessels. The three mortars in battery at [17] Fort Johnson were commanded by Capt. G. S. James. The batteries above referred to, including Fort Moultrie, contained fifteen 10-inch mortars and twenty-six guns of heavy caliber.

For thirty-four hours they assaulted Sumter with an unceasing bombardment, before its gallant defenders consented to give it up, and not then until the condition of the fort made it impossible to continue the defense. Fort Moultrie alone fired 2,490 shot and shell. Gen. S. W. Crawford, in his accurate and admirable book, previously quoted, thus describes the condition of Sumter when Anderson agreed to its surrender:

It was a scene of ruin and destruction. The quarters and barracks were in ruins. The main gates and the planking of the windows on the gorge were gone; the magazines closed and surrounded by smouldering flames and burning ashes; the provisions exhausted; much of the engineering work destroyed; and with only four barrels of powder available. The command had yielded to the inevitable. The effect of the direct shot had been to indent the walls, where the marks could be counted by hundreds, while the shells, well directed, had crushed the quarters, and, in connection with hot shot, setting them on fire, had destroyed the barracks and quarters down to the gun casemates, while the enfilading fire had prevented the service of the barbette guns, some of them comprising the most important battery in the work. The breaching fire from the columbiads and the rifle gun at Cummings point upon the right gorge angle, had progressed sensibly and must have eventually succeeded if continued, but as yet no guns had been disabled or injured at that point. The effect of the fire upon the parapet was pronounced. The gorge, the right face and flank as well as the left face, were all taken in reverse, and a destructive fire maintained until the end, while the gun carriages on the barbette of the gorge were destroyed in the fire of the blazing quarters.

The spirit and language of General Beauregard in communicating with Major Anderson, and the replies of the latter, were alike honorable to those distinguished soldiers. The writer, who was on duty on Sullivan's island, [18] as major of Pettigrew's regiment of rifles, recalls vividly the sense of admiration felt for Major Anderson and his faithful little command throughout the attack, and at the surrender of the fort. ‘While the barracks in Fort Sumter were in a blaze,’ wrote General Beauregard to the secretary of war at Montgomery, ‘and the interior of the work appeared untenable from the heat and from the fire of our batteries (at about which period I sent three of my aides to offer assistance), whenever the guns of Fort Sumter would fire upon Moultrie, the men occupying the Cummings point batteries (Palmetto Guard, Captain Cuthbert) at each shot would cheer Anderson for his gallantry, although themselves still firing upon him; and when on the 15th instant he left the harbor on the steamer Isabel, the soldiers of the batteries lined the beach, silent and uncovered, while Anderson and his command passed before them.’

Thus closed the memorable and momentous attack upon Fort Sumter by the forces of South Carolina, and thus began the war which lasted until April, 1865, when the Southern Confederacy, as completely ruined and exhausted by fire and sword as Fort Sumter in April, 1861 , gave up the hopeless contest and reluctantly accepted the inevitable.

The following is believed to be a correct list of the officers who commanded batteries, or directed, particularly, the firing of the guns, with the commands serving the same:

On Cummings point: (1) Iron battery—three 8-inch columbiads, manned by detachments of Palmetto Guard, Capt. George B. Cuthbert directing, assisted by Lieut. G. L. Buist. (2) Point battery—mortars, by Lieut. N. Armstrong, assisted by Lieut. R. Holmes; 42-pounders, Lieut. T. S. Brownfield; rifle gun, directed by Capt. J. P. Thomas, who, with Lieutenant Armstrong, was an officer of the South Carolina military academy. Iron battery and Point battery both manned by Palmetto Guard. (3) [19] Trapier battery—three 10-inch mortars, by Capt. J. Gadsden King and Lieuts. W. D. H. Kirkwood and Edward L. Parker; Corp. McMillan King, Jr., and Privates J. S. and Robert Murdock, pointing the mortars; a detachment of Marion artillery manning the battery, assisted by a detachment of the Sumter Guards, Capt. John Russell.

On Sullivan's island: (1) Fort MoultrieCapt. W. R. Calhoun, Lieutenants Wagner, Rhett, Preston, Sitgreaves, Mitchell, Parker, Blake (acting engineer). (2) mortars—Capt. William Butler and Lieutenants Huguenin, Mowry, Blocker, Billings and Rice. (3) Mortars-Lieutenants Flemming and Blanding. (4) Enfilade—Captain Hallonquist and Lieutenants Valentine and Burnet. (5) Floating battery—Lieutenants Yates and Frank Harleston. (6) Dahlgren battery—Captain Hamilton.

On Mount Pleasant: (1) Mortars—Captain Martin and Lieuts. F. H. Robertson and G. W. Reynolds.

On Fort Johnson: (1) Mortars—Capt. G. S. James and Lieut. W. H. Gibbes.

Immediately upon the fall of Sumter the most active and constant efforts were made by Governor Pickens and General Beauregard to repair and arm the fort, to strengthen the batteries defending the harbor, and to defend the city from an attack by the Stono river and James island. General Beauregard inspected the coast, and works of defense were begun on James island and at Port Royal harbor.

But South Carolina was now to enjoy freedom from attack, by land or sea, until early in November, and while her soldiers and her people were making ready her defense, and her sons were flocking to her standard in larger numbers than she could organize and arm, she was called upon to go to the help of Virginia. William H. Trescot, of South Carolina, in his beautiful memorial of Brig.-Gen. Johnston Pettigrew, has described the spirit with which ‘the youth and manhood of the South’ responded to [20] the call to arms, in language so true, so just and so eloquent, that the author of this sketch inserts it here. Writing more than five years after the close of the great struggle, Mr. Trescot said:

We who are the vanquished in this battle must of necessity leave to a calmer and wiser posterity to judge of the intrinsic worth of that struggle, as it bears upon the principles of constitutional liberty, and as it must affect the future history of the American people; but there is one duty not only possible but imperative, a duty which we owe alike to the living and the dead, and that is the preservation in perpetual and tender remembrance of the lives of those who, to use a phrase scarcely too sacred for so unselfish a sacrifice, died in the hope that we might live. Especially is this our duty, because in the South a choice between the parties and principles at issue was scarcely possible. From causes which it is exceedingly interesting to trace, but which I cannot now develop the feeling of State loyalty had acquired throughout the South an almost fanatic intensity; particularly in the old colonial States did this devotion to the State assume that blended character of affection and duty which gives in the old world such a chivalrous coloring to loyalty to the crown. . . . When, therefore, by the formal and constitutional act of the States, secession from the Federal government was declared in 1860 and 1861 , it is almost impossible for any one not familiar with the habits and thoughts of the South, to understand how completely the question of duty was settled for Southern men. Shrewd, practical men who had no faith in the result, old and eminent men who had grown gray in service under the national flag, had their doubts and their misgivings; but there was no hesitation as to what they were to do. Especially to that great body of men, just coming into manhood, who were preparing to take their places as the thinkers and actors of the next generation, was this call of the State an imperative summons.

The fathers and mothers who had reared them; the society whose traditions gave both refinement and assurance to their young ambition; the colleges in which the creed of Mr. Calhoun was the text-book of their studies; the friends with whom they planned their future; the very land they loved, dear to them as thoughtless boys, [21] dearer to them as thoughtful men, were all impersonate, living, speaking, commanding in the State of which they were children. Never in the history of the world has there been a nobler response to a more thoroughly recognized duty; nowhere anything more truly glorious than this outburst of the youth and manhood of the South.

And now that the end has come and we have seen it, it seems to me that to a man of humanity, I care not in what section his sympathies may have been matured, there never has been a sadder or sublimer spectacle than these earnest and devoted men, their young and vigorous columns marching through Richmond to the Potomac, like the combatants of ancient Rome, beneath the imperial throne in the amphitheater, and exclaiming with uplifted arms, ‘morituri te salutant.’

President Lincoln had issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers to coerce the South; Virginia had withdrawn from the Union, and before the end of April had called Lee, J. E. Johnston and Jackson into her service; the seat of the Confederate government had been transferred from Montgomery, Ala., to Richmond; and early in May, General Beauregard was relieved from duty in South Carolina and ordered to the command of the Alexandria line, with headquarters at Manassas Junction. He had been preceded by General Bonham, then a Confederate brigadier, with the regiments of Colonels Gregg, Kershaw, Bacon, Cash, Jenkins and Sloan—First, Second, Seventh, Eighth, Fifth and Fourth South Carolina volunteers.

Before General Beauregard's arrival in Virginia, General Bonham with his Carolina troops had been placed in command of the Alexandria line, the regiments being at Fairfax Court House, and other points of this line, fronting Washington and Alexandria.

These South Carolina regiments were reinforced during the month of July by the Third, Colonel Williams; the Sixth, Colonel Rion, and the Ninth, Colonel Blanding. The infantry of the Hampton legion, under Col. Wade [22] Hampton, reached the battlefield of Manassas on the morning of July 21st, but in time to take a full share in that decisive contest.

On the 20th of June, General Beauregard, commanding the ‘army of the Potomac,’ headquarters at Manassas Junction, organized his army into six brigades, the First commanded by Bonham, composed of the regiments of Gregg, Kershaw, Bacon and Cash. Sloan's regiment was assigned to the Sixth brigade, Early's; and Jenkins' Regiment to the Third, Gen. D. R. Jones. Col. N. G.

Evans, an officer of the old United States army, having arrived at Manassas, was assigned to command of a temporary brigade—Sloan's Fourth South Carolina, Wheat's Louisiana battalion, two companies Virginia cavalry, and four 6-pounder guns.

On the 11th of July, General Beauregard wrote to the President that the enemy was concentrating in his front at Falls church, with a force of not less than 35,000 men, and that to oppose him he had only about half that number. On the 17th, Bonham's brigade, stationed at Fairfax, met the first aggressive movement of General McDowell's army, and was attacked early in the morning. By General Beauregard's orders Bonham retired through Centreville, and took the position assigned him behind Mitchell's ford, on Bull run. The Confederate army was in position behind Bull run, extending from Union Mills ford on the right to the stone bridge on the left, a distance of 5 miles.

The brigades were stationed, from right to left, as follows: Ewell, D. R. Jones, Longstreet, Bonham, Cocke, and Evans on the extreme left. Early was in reserve, in rear of the right. To each brigade a section or a battery of artillery was attached, except in the case of Bonham who had two batteries and six companies of cavalry attached to his command. Seven other cavalry companies were distributed among the other brigades. Bonham's position was behind Mitchell's ford, with his [23] four regiments of Carolinians; Jenkins' Fifth regiment was with General Jones' brigade, behind McLean's ford, and Sloan's Fourth regiment was with Evans' brigade on the left, at the stone bridge. With this disposition of his little army, General Beauregard awaited the development of the enemy's movement against him.

At noon on the 18th, Bonham at Mitchell's ford and Longstreet at Blackburn's ford, were attacked with infantry and artillery, and both attacks were repulsed. General McDowell was engaged on the 19th and 20th in reconnoitering the Confederate position, and made no decided indication of his ultimate purpose. The delay was golden for the Confederates. Important reinforcements arrived on the 20th and on the morning of the 21st, which were chiefly to fight and win the battle, while the main body of Beauregard's army held the line of Bull run. General Holmes, from the lower Potomac, came with over 1,200 infantry, six guns and a fine company of cavalry; Colonel Hampton, with the infantry of his legion, 600 strong, and the Thirteenth Mississippi; Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, from the Shenandoah, with Jackson's, Bee's and Bartow's brigades, 300 of Stuart's cavalry and two batteries, Imboden's and Pendleton's.

The reinforcements were put in line in rear of the troops already in position, Bee and Bartow behind Longstreet, covering McLean's and Blackburn's fords, with Barksdale's Thirteenth Mississippi; Jackson in rear of Bonham, covering Mitchell's ford; and Cocke's brigade, covering the fords further to the left, was strengthened and supported by a regiment of infantry and six guns, and Hampton was stationed at the Lewis house. Walton's and Pendleton's batteries were placed in reserve in rear of Bonham and Bee. Thus strengthened, the army of General Beauregard numbered about 30,000 effectives, with fifty-five guns.

General Beauregard had planned an attack on Mc-Dowell's left, which was to be executed on the 21st; but [24] before he put his right brigades in motion, McDowell had crossed two of his divisions at Sudley's ford, two miles to the left of Evans, who was posted at the stone bridge, and while threatening Evans and Cocke in front, was marching rapidly down the rear of Beauregard's left. Satisfied of this movement, Evans left four companies of the Fourth South Carolina to defend the bridge, and taking the six remaining companies of the Fourth, with Wheat's Louisiana battalion and two guns of Latham's battery, moved rapidly to his rear and left and formed his little brigade at right angles to the line on Bull run and just north of the turnpike road. In this position he was at once assailed by the advance of the enemy, but held his ground for an hour, when Bee, who had been moved up to stone bridge, came to his assistance. Evans, with his Carolinians and Louisianians; Bee, with his Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee regiments, and Bartow with his Georgia and Kentucky battalions, and the batteries of Latham and Imboden, with heroic fortitude sustained the assault for another hour, before falling back south of the turnpike. It was then evident that the battle was not to be fought in front of Bull run, but behind it, and in rear of General Beauregard's extreme left. Both generals, whose headquarters had been at the Lewis house, three miles away, hurried to the point of attack and arrived, as General Johnston reported, ‘not a moment too soon.’ Fifteen thousand splendidly equipped troops of McDowell's army, with numerous batteries, many of the guns rifled, were driving back the little brigade of Evans and the regiments of the gallant Bee and Bartow, and the moment was critical. The presence and example of the commanding generals, the firm conduct of the officers, and the hurrying forward of Hampton with his legion, and Jackson with his brigade, re-established the battle on the line of the Henry house, a half mile south of the turnpike and two miles in the rear of the stone bridge. Beauregard took immediate command on the [25] field of battle, and Johnston assumed the general direction from the Lewis house, whose commanding elevation gave him a view of the whole field of operations. ‘The aspect of affairs (he says in his report) was critical, but I had full confidence in the skill and indomitable courage of General Beauregard, the high soldierly qualities of Generals Bee and Jackson and Colonel Evans, and the devoted patriotism of the troops.’

At this first stage of the battle, from 8:30 to 1 a. m., the troops from South Carolina actively engaged were the Fourth regiment, Colonel Sloan, and the legion of Hampton. Two companies of the Fourth, thrown out as skirmishers in front of the stone bridge, fired the first gun of the battle early in the morning, and the regiment bore a glorious part in the battle which Evans fought for the first hour, and in the contest of the second hour maintained by Bee, Bartow and Evans. The Fourth lost 11 killed and 79 wounded.

Hampton arrived at the Lewis house in the morning, and being connected with no particular brigade, was ordered to march to the stone bridge. On his march, hearing of the attack on the rear, and the roar of the battle being distinctly heard, he changed the direction of his march toward the firing. Arriving at the Robinson house, he took position in defense of a battery and attacked the enemy in his front. Advancing to the turnpike under fire, Lieut.-Col. B. J. Johnson, of the legion, fell, ‘as, with the utmost coolness and gallantry, he was placing our men in position,’ says his commander. Soon enveloped by the enemy in this direction, the legion fell back with the commands of Bee and Evans to the first position it occupied, and, as before reported, formed an important element in re-establishing the battle under the immediate direction of Generals Beauregard and Johnston.

The troops ordered by the commanding generals to prolong the line of battle, formed at 11 o'clock, took position on the right and left as they successively arrived, [26] those on the left assaulting at once, and vigorously, the exposed right flank of the enemy, and at each assault checking, or repulsing, his advance. No attempt will be made by the author to follow the movements of all of these gallant troops who thus stemmed the sweeping advance of strong Federal brigades, and the fire of Mc-Dowell's numerous batteries. He is confined, particularly, to the South Carolina commands.

The line of battle as now re-established, south of the Warrenton turnpike, ran at a right angle with the Bull run line, and was composed of the shattered commands of Bee, Bartow and Evans on the right, with Hampton's legion infantry; Jackson in the center, and Gartrell's, Smith's, Faulkner's and Fisher's regiments, with two companies of Stuart's cavalry, on the left. The artillery was massed near the Henry house. With this line the assaults of Heintzelman's division and the brigades of Sherman and Keyes, with their batteries, numbering some 18,000 strong, were resisted with heroic firmness.

By 2 o'clock, Kershaw's Second and Cash's Eighth South Carolina, General Holmes' brigade of two regiments, Early's brigade, and Walker's and Latham's batteries, arrived from the Bull run line and reinforced the left. The enemy now held the great plateau from which he had driven our forces, and was being vigorously assailed on his left by Kershaw and Cash, with Kemper's battery, and by Early and Stuart. General Beauregard ordered the advance of his center and right, the latter further strengthened by Cocke's brigade, taken by General Johnston's order from its position at the stone bridge.

This charge swept the great plateau, which was then again in possession of the Confederates. Hampton fell, wounded in this charge, and Capt. James Conner took command of the legion. Bee, the heroic and accomplished soldier, fell at the head of the troops, and Gen. S. R. Gist, adjutant-general of South Carolina, was wounded leading the Fourth Alabama. Reinforced, the Federal [27] troops again advanced to possess the plateau, but Kirby Smith's arrival on the extreme left, and his prompt attack, with Kershaw's command and Stuart's cavalry, defeated the right of McDowell's advance and threw it into confusion, and the charge of Beauregard's center and right completed the victory of Manassas.

In the operations of this memorable day, no troops displayed more heroic courage and fortitude than the troops from South Carolina, who had the fortune to bear a part in this the first great shock of arms between the contending sections. These troops were the Second regiment, Col. J. B. Kershaw; the Fourth, Col. J. B. E. Sloan; the Eighth, Col. E. B. Cash; the Legion infantry, Col. Wade Hampton, and the Fifth, Col. Micah Jenkins. The latter regiment was not engaged in the great battle, but, under orders, crossed Bull run and attacked the strong force in front of McLean's ford. The regiment was wholly unsupported and was forced to withdraw, Colonel Jenkins rightly deeming an assault, under the circumstances, needless.

The following enumeration of losses is taken from the several reports of commanders as published in the War Records, Vol. II, p. 570: Kershaw's regiment, 5 killed, 43 wounded; Sloan's regiment, 11 killed, 79 wounded; Jenkins' regiment, 3 killed, 23 wounded; Cash's regiment, 5 killed, 23 wounded; Hampton's legion, 19 killed, 102 wounded; total, 43 killed, 270 wounded.

Gen. Barnard Elliott Bee, who fell, leading in the final and triumphant charge of the Confederates, was a South Carolinian. Col. C. H. Stevens, a volunteer on his staff, his near kinsman, and the distinguished author of the iron battery at Sumter, was severely wounded. Lieut.-Col. B. J. Johnson, who fell in the first position taken by the Hampton legion, was a distinguished and patriotic son of the State, and Lieut. O. R. Horton, of the Fourth, who was killed in front of his company, had been prominent in the battle of the early morning. At Manassas, [28] South Carolina was well represented by her faithful sons, who willingly offered their lives in defense of her principles and her honor. The blood she shed on that ever-memorable field was but the token of the great offering with which it was yet to be stained by the sacrifices of more than a thousand of her noblest sons.

The battle of Manassas fought and won, and trophies of the Confederate victory gathered from the plateau of the great strife, and from the line of the Union army's retreat, the South Carolina troops with General Beauregard's command were put into two brigades, Bonham's, the First, and D. R. Jones', the Third. The Second, Third, Seventh and Eighth regiments made up General Bonham's brigade; the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth and Ninth, General Jones' brigade. Gregg's First regiment was at Norfolk, and Hampton's legion was not brigaded. Headquarters were established at Fairfax Court House, and the Confederate line ran from Springfield on the Orange & Alexandria railroad to Little Falls above Georgetown. No event of great importance occurred in which the troops of South Carolina took part, in Virginia, during the remainder of the summer. [29]

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