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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
t days of February, was not credited. （Boston Atlas, March 1.) The Southern leaders had been advised of the tenor of the speech two weeks before it was delivered. (A. II. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, p. 250.) Webster, as early as January 21, admitted Clay to a confidence as to his purpose which he withheld from his own people. G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 397. and at first only one Whig newspaper The Newburyport Herald. in Massachusetts, outside of Boston, cordust find me an absolutely independent man. The Hunkers, Whigs, and Democrats are sweating blood to-day. You perceive that all the Hunker press, representing Cassism and Websterism, are using every effort to break up our combination. Again, January 21:— You are right in auguring ill from the Fabian strategy. When the balloting was postponed for three days, I thought our friends had lost the chances. My own opinion now is that they are lost beyond recovery; but others do not share thi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
seen Kossuth several times. He said to me that the next movement would decide the fate of Europe and Hungary for one hundred years. I told him at once that he was mistaken; that Europe was not destined, except for a transient time, to be Cossack. . . . There is a wretched opposition to him here proceeding from slavery. In truth, slavery is the source of all our baseness, from gigantic national issues down to the vile manners and profuse expectorations of this place. To E. L. Pierce, January 21:— I have one moment for you, and only this. My speech was an honest utterance of my convictions on two important points. I pleaded at the same time for Kossuth and for what I know to be the true policy of our country. I told him in a long private interview the day before he left Washington, that if he had made at Castle Garden the speech he made at the Congressional banquet, he would have united the people of this country for him and his cause; but that he had disturbed the peace-
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
of 1850. Douglas, February 7, added the term void to inoperative, changed the phrase superseded by to inconsistent with, and further amplified the clause. Benton, in the House, called the repealing provision a little stump speech injected into the belly of the bill. The antislavery newspapers gave the alarm even before the bill was printed by the Senate. New York Tribune, Jan. 6, 9, 10; New York Evening Post, Jan. 6, 7, 17, 24, 25, 26, 28, 1854; Boston Commonwealth, Jan. 9, 11, 16, 21; National Era, Jan. 12, 19, 26, and Feb. 2, 9, 16, 23, 1854. There are brief references to the scheme in the New York Evening Post, Dec. 10, 15, 1853. The National Era, as early as April 14, 1853, in reviewing at length the failure to organize the Territory during the session which had just closed, unfolded the designs of the slaveholding—interest, and called for a positive affirmation of the prohibition in any subsequent bill. The Boston Commonwealth, March 28, 1853, was vigilant at that t