hide Matching Documents

Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for June or search for June in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 7 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
onclads. We hear nothing authentic with regard to them. Evarts was here a few days ago, anxious, but with the impression that they would not be allowed to sail. But I think the public generally is more excited about Louis Napoleon, who has put himself in a direction which must eventually bring him in collision with us. Meanwhile, the war goes on; not as fast as the public expected, but fully as fast as I expected. In the military council which ordered the present attack on Charleston last June, the chairman, General Halleck, doubted the result, but thought there was no harm in trying; the others were confident. 1 do not think success will come early or easy. It is not proposed to move against Mobile until cool weather. The movement of Rosecrans is very important; his army is excellent, and he is a good officer. A movement in Texas is preparing. I accept the idea of delay, and even of reverse; but the end is sure, and I have so regarded it ever since the President's Proclamatio
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
until the disability should be removed by Congress, the sanctity of the national debt, and a prohibition against the assumption or payment of the Confederate debt. It did not recognize expressly the right of the States to deny or abridge the, elective franchise on account of race or color, but it recognized their general right to deny and abridge suffrage at their discretion without specifying any particular form of discrimination. Finally the amendment in its new form passed both houses in June, receiving the entire Republican vote in each house—a result which was promoted by a caucus. Sumner, though voting for the amendment in its new form, took no part in the debate and suggested no changes. The speeches were largely apologetic. The contest had become, so far as representation was concerned, a trial of party strength rather than a vital issue involving the rights and well-being of a race. The ratification of the amendment by a sufficient number of States was officially annou
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
July 19; Ibid., pp. 420-425. November 26; Works, vol. XII. pp. 250– 252. He desired the Senate to remain so as to pass, with other measures, Boutwell's resolution to prevent the President removing district commanders without the consent of the Senate, or the recommendation of the commanding general, instancing Sheridan as likely to be removed from Louisiana. （July 19; Works, vol. XI. p. 424.) The President, as the bill was not acted upon, removed Sheridan ten days later. While at home, in June, he attended a municipal festival at Arlington, formerly West Cambridge, where he spoke briefly on the historical associations of the place. June 17, 1867; Works, vol. XI. pp. 361-364. At the session in July the Republican senators, in a caucus, agreed to limit the business of legislation to the removal of obstructions to the execution of the acts of reconstruction; and this agreement was carried out by the adoption of a rule to that effect in the Senate. Sumner, believing that legi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
bachelor. Among those known to have dined with him are Seward, Motley, Fish, Conking, Hooper. Reverdy Johnson, ,John Sherman, Carl Schurz, Morrill of Vermont. General Sickles, General Webb, W. M. Evarts, Edmund Quincy, Agassiz. Ex-President Roberts of Liberia, Berthemy the French minister, Sir Edward Thornton the English minister, Gerolt the Prussian minister, and Blacque Bey the Turkish minister. Geore William Curtis, while at Washington as chairman of the Civil Service Commission, in June. 1871, though not accepting Sumner's invitation to occupy a room at his house, died with him every day, joining him afterwards in his drive, and the next winter was also almost daily at his house. Members of the diplomatic corps were often at his round table. He was catholic in his relations with men, and his guests were of no one political class. Caleb Cushing was perhaps oftener with him than any one, and William Beach Lawrence, whenever he was in Washington, was invited. In February of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
h England, which, I suppose, will continue until broken by Congress. Mihi multum cogitanti, it seems best that our case, in length and breadth, with all details, should be stated to England without any demand of any kind. This was (lone by Sumner's advice in the letter of Fish to Motley, Sept. 25, 1869. England must know our grievances before any demand can be presented. When this is comprehended, a settlement will be easy. Sumner came home from Washington shortly after the middle of June, in time to follow his old friend, Richard Fletcher, to his grave at Mt. Auburn. During the recess of Congress, he was several times with the Saturday Club. At the end of August he was glad to welcome Longfellow home from Europe. Late in the autumn Mr. Winthrop invited him to meet at his house Pere Hyacinthe, but he was unable to accept. In August he was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. J. V. L. Pruyn, at Albany, Sumner's acquaintance with Mr. Pruyn began when the latter (a Democrat) was a me
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
ion was desirable as the key to the West Indies; and that if not made by the United States, England or France would shortly have the prize. This a familiar argument in such cases; but an interval now of more than twenty years has shown it in this instance to have been misapplied. The ratification was then supported by Cole, Nye, and Stewart, and opposed by Schurz, Patterson, and Casserly. After a few weeks' debate the Senate laid the subject aside, and did not take it up again till late in June. There was no popular demand for the annexation outside of a ring of speculators and adventurers. Here and there a journal, which was under their influence, or was quick to respond to the President's wishes, favored it. New York Evening Post, July 1, 1870, wrote that the scheme had no sympathy or favor with the people, and that the journals which supported it had not been able to give good or plausible reasons for it. Sumner's colleague voted for it finally, confession that nine-tenths
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
licans of Missouri. Sumner, while in relations of confidence with Schurz and Trumbull, kept himself in reserve, avowing his opposition to the President's renomination, but hoping that the Republican convention which was to meet at Philadelphia in June would for the sake of harmony name another candidate. No one but himself, however, counted at all on such a solution of the difficulty; and indeed his own faith must have been slight. His position is indicated, perhaps with authority, in the Wement who refused to support Greeley were William C. Bryant, Stanley Matthews, George Hoadley, and the editor of the New York Nation. while others, hoping for the substitution of another candidate, called a conference which was held in New York in June; but nothing came of it. No political sagacity was required to foresee what the decision of the American people, who lean to safe and tried men, would be between Mr. Greeley and General Grant. Sumner took no part and gave no counsels as to the