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Brazil (Brazil) (search for this): chapter 11
ation in the United States followed by the extinction of slavery everywhere. He wrote, September 8, to Joseph Cooper, Walthamston, England, concerning slavery in Brazil: I send you the letter of Senator Nabuco, of Brazil, on emancipation, forwarded to me by the Brazilian legation, at the request of the senator. In acknowleBrazil, on emancipation, forwarded to me by the Brazilian legation, at the request of the senator. In acknowledging it, I felt it my duty to say that the senator himself did not go far enough; that the longer continuance of slavery is inconsistent with the civilization of the age, besides being essentially wrong, and that it ought to be terminated at once. Of this I have no doubt. Slavery will end very soon in Cuba; it cannot remain much longer in Brazil. The earth will be fairer when this terrible blot is erased. The senator considered a year later the propriety of a resolution of Congress suspending diplomatic intercourse with nations maintaining slavery. He thought the example of the United States should be brought to bear for the promotion of that grea
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
rations. Two exceptions, however, were E. R. Hoar, who was called from the Supreme Court of Massachusetts to become Attorney-General; and Governor J. D. Cox of Ohio, who was appointed Secretary of t and nominated Mr. Boutwell of the House to the place. The Cabinet now had two members from Massachusetts,—a circumstance which led to Judge Hoar's retirement a few months later. The San Domingo ex-senator; E. D. Morgan, former governor of New York; John H. Clifford, former governor of Massachusetts; John M. Read, the jurist of Pennsylvania; and James Russell Lowell. The current of opinionhose counsels the Secretary of State then rested so securely as on those of the senator from Massachusetts. Sumner's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was re lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania,
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
au's Grant in Peace, p. 163. This writer is cited only where his statements are intrinsically very probable, or he is corroborated by trustworthy evidence. Their names when announced suggested in most instances personal choice rather than public considerations. Two exceptions, however, were E. R. Hoar, who was called from the Supreme Court of Massachusetts to become Attorney-General; and Governor J. D. Cox of Ohio, who was appointed Secretary of the Interior. The selection of Cresswell of Maryland for Postmaster-General was well received by the country. Senators and Representatives were not consulted in these arrangements; and as all were treated alike none could take offence. Sumner by habit kept aloof from President-making and Cabinet-making. The following statements of Adam Badeau are fictions; they have no support in trustworthy evidence: (1) That Sumner hoped to be Secretary of State in the Cabinet of President Grant; (2) That his friends with his consent pressed his name o
Granville, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
United States the expenses thereby entailed upon them, with interest at seven per cent from July 1, 1863. Lord Granville Letter to Schenck, March 30, 1872. thought this an incredible demand, involving a magnitude of damages which might be enormous; and undertaking to compute such a claim from official tables published by our government, found it to amount, without interest, to more than four thousand five hundred millions of dollars! Or more than half of $9,095,000,000. Memorandum to Granville's letter to Schenck. Davis afterwards charged Sumner with putting forth doctrines and figures which would have shut the door against future negotiation; but it was left for him and Mr. Fish to mount far higher in their basis of calculation. It was their Case, not any speech from a senator, which came near breaking up the arbitration at Geneva and a peaceful settlement of the controversy. Our counsel at Geneva in their printed argument maintained with fulness and earnestness and reitera
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
generous defence of Fish in the Senate, Feb. 20, 1855, when the latter was assailed by some New York ship-owners.—very hostile to his antislavery position, and to his candidacy for President. This appears in letters in manuscript from Fish to Sumner. Some of them apply coarse epithets to Seward, to which it is not worth while to give publicity. He was utterly out of sympathy with the antislavery movement which resulted in the Republican party. He was opposed to the efforts in the State of New York in 1855 to form a Republican party, in which Preston King, John A. King, and Edwin D. Morgan co-operated; and he rejoiced over its defeat by the union of pro-slavery Americans and Silver Gray Whigs, as likely to effect Seward's exclusion from public life. He wrote to Sumner, Nov. 8, 1855:— Fusion, I believe and hope, is soundly beaten in New York; with it Seward is beaten. I cannot find tears to shed on either account. The Republican vote embraced all the Seward men, the bul
Geneva, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
or pecuniary assessment before the tribunal at Geneva, wrote to Sumner, May 22, 1872: I ought to saythe beginning of the controversy to its end at Geneva in 1872. Neither as to the British proclamatis to preserve amity and peace. Our counsel at Geneva maintained that a portion of these claims had nsurgent confederates. The American Case at Geneva, drawn by J. C. B. Davis, assigned to the proctor, Sir Alexander Cockburn, in his Opinion at Geneva, deeming the Case intentionally offensive in tlty of falsehood and hypocrisy. Our counsel at Geneva,—Cushing, Evarts, and Waite,—in their argumentil the spontaneous decision of the tribunal at Geneva, June 19, 1872, that they did not constitute awhich came near breaking up the arbitration at Geneva and a peaceful settlement of the controversy. Our counsel at Geneva in their printed argument maintained with fulness and earnestness and reite Joint High Commission, the eminent counsel at Geneva,—Cushing, Evarts, and Waite,—and the author of[2 more.
Clarendon, Ark. (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ees with him [Sir R. Paller] that we have come to a much better settlement than would have been afforded by the Johnson-Clarendon convention. Sumner wrote, May 25, 1869, to Mr. Bemis, then in Italy:— I wish you were at home to resume your n striking conformity with Sumner's speech on this point as well as on others. They made the objections to the Johnson-Clarendon convention which he made; they set up, as he had set up, the pro-slavery origin of the rebellion, the inability of the ost, both in treasure and lives, of its suppression; and he emphasized in that connection the inadequacy of the Johnson-Clarendon convention, repeating the senator's objections. Placed in parallel lines, the passages from the President's message anims he referred to the successive representatives of the government, making no mention of Sumner, to whose speech Lord Clarendon had called attention,—showing that in his judgment he did not then consider the senator to have any particular responsi
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
nator from Massachusetts. Sumner's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was to establish absolute political and civil equality through the land. As the sentiment or prejudice of race stood in the way, he prepared an elaborate discourse on Caste, Works, vol. XIII. pp. 131-183. which he delivered as a lecture before lyceums during the autumn,—first in Boston, October 21, and afterwards in other places in Massachusetts, as also in Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, New York, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, and finally in the cities of Brooklyn and New York. Its preparation seemed like a full six months work. It abounded in historical and ethnological learning; it pleaded for the essential unity of the race, and most of all for the full recognition of the African as man and citizen. He sought not only the political enfranchisement of the colored people, but the opening to them of all the opportunities of civilization. It was an effort qu
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
nister would undertake a negotiation concerning the Alabama claims. Both he and Seward, in interviews with Sumestion that he represented the American view on the Alabama question, or was expected to present it; and he gave negotiation of a treaty for the settlement of the Alabama claims, and signed, Jan. 14. 1869, what became known September, 1863—from the public discussion of the Alabama question, and he had hoped not to be obliged to enthad not a ship on the ocean; the fitting out of the Alabama and other rebel cruisers in England; the hospitalit have been prominently and historically part of the Alabama claims. Referring to passages which, as he said, lish mission. It is not half so important that the Alabama claims be settled as it is that when settled it sho. The general discussion of the question of the Alabama claims was withdrawn from Motley, to be resumed onlews of this government as to the basis on which the Alabama claims may be settled. The day before yesterday he
Belgium (Belgium) (search for this): chapter 11
n the Hudson: I do not wish to go back to Washington, and most sincerely wish I were out of the department. The relations of the President and of the senator were, up to the time of the San Domingo controversy, altogether agreeable. An associate of the senator on the committee on foreign relations states that the chairman, as well as other members, chafed at times under nominations for foreign posts which seemed below the correct standard; One of these was J. R. Jones of Chicago, for Belgium. Works, vol. XIV. p. 260. but anxious to preserve harmony, they approved most of them. Fish and Sumner were naturally in accord as to the attainments and character required of our representatives abroad; but the former, from facility of nature, was not disclosed to stand in the way of the President's inclinations. Mr. Motley was nominated, April 12, as minister to England. He was confirmed the 13th, the same day that the Johnson-Clarendon convention was rejected. The selection was
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