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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 3: (search)
venerable from its antiquity. Some traced it to Magna Charta, some to the Norman conquest, and some to the forests of Germany, where acts of legislation were debated and assented to by the people and by the nobles; but it was at the revolution of 1688, that the legislature definitively assumed the sovereignty by dismissing a monarch from the kingdom, as a landlord might dismiss a farmer from his holding. The prince might chap. III.} 1763. dream no more of unbounded prerogatives. In England,incessant struggle to be rid of it. The reverence for its antiquity was enhanced by pleasing historical associations. But for the aid of the barons, Magna Charta would not have been attained; and but for the nobility and gentry, the revolution of 1688 would not have succeeded. A sentiment of gratitude was, therefore, blended in the popular mind with submission to rank. Besides, nobility was not a caste, but rather an chap. III.} 1763. office, personal and transmissible to but one. The inso
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 4: (search)
sion of their estates, free from all outlawries or forfeitures. Of these articles, the first was totally disregarded; the second was evaded. New forfeitures followed to the extent of more than a million of acres; and at the close of the seventeenth century, the native Irish, with the Anglo-Irish Catholics, possessed not more than a seventh of their own island. The maxims on which the government of Ireland was administered by Protestant England after the re- chap. IV.} 1763. volution of 1688, brought about the relations by which that country and our own reciprocally affected each other's destiny: Ireland assisting to people America, and America to redeem Ireland. The inhabitants of Ireland were four parts Boulter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 210: There are, probably, in this kingdom five Papists to at least one Protestant. Durand to Clloiseul, 30 July, 1767. Angleterre T. 474, la proportion est au moins de quatre contre un. So Arthur Young: 500,000 Protestants, tw
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 5: (search)
uncil in 1753. and, in conformity to them, had asserted that an act of parliament in Great Britain could alone prescribe rules for the reduction of refractory colonial assemblies. Opinion of Sir Dudley Rider and Hon. William Murray, Attorney and Solicitor General, in October, 1744.— There was George Grenville, then first Lord of the Admiralty, bred to the law; and ever anxious to demonstrate that all the measures which he advocated reposed on the British Constitution, and the precedents of 1688; eager to make every part of the British empire tributary to the prosperity of Great Britain, and making the plenary authority of the British Legislature the first article of his political creed.—There was the place as Keeper of the Privy Seal for Bedford, the head of the house of Russell, and the great representative of the landed aristocracy of Great Britain, absent from England at the moment, but, through his friends, ready to applaud the new colonial system, to which he had long ago becom
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 10: (search)
, and loyalty to the king and parliament, the candid will impute it to the agony of my heart. It was his purpose not to enter into war with British institutions, or the British parliament, but to treat of the first principles of free government and human rights. Government, such was his argument, which I shall state as nearly as possible in his own words- government is founded, not on force, as was the theory of Hobbes, nor on compact, as was the theory of Locke and the revolution of 1688; nor on property, as had been asserted by Harrington. It springs from the necessities of our nature, and has an everlasting foundation in the unchangeable will of God. Man came into the world and into society at the same instant. There must exist in every earthly society a supreme sovereign, from whose final decision there can be no appeal, but directly to Heaven. This supreme power is originally and ultimately in the people; and the people never did in fact freely, nor can rightfully mak
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 12: (search)
I do it for the good of my people. But if you force me to violate my royal word, you are responsible for it, not I. Thus the king gave way; but he was so deeply moved, that his physicians were ordered to attend him; his manner became gloomy and discontented; on the following Sunday, the usual drawing-room was omitted; and his mind was still so convulsed, that he did not even choose to take the sacrament. This is the moment when the power of the British Oligarchy, under the revolution of 1688, was at its culminating point. The ministry esteemed itself, and, through itself, the power of parliament, more firmly established than ever. It had subdued the king, and imposed a system of taxes on America for the benefit of the British exchequer. The colonists could not export the chief products of their industry; neither sugar, nor tobacco, nor cotton, nor indigo, nor ginger, nor fustic, nor other dyeing woods; nor molasses, nor rice, with some exceptions; nor beaver, nor peltry, nor c
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 19: (search)
n the affairs of men. In the time of the crusades, and at the era of the reformation, the world was as widely convulsed; but never had the people of provinces extending over so vast a continent, and so widely sundered from one another, been thus cordially bound together in one spirit and one resolve. In all their tumults, they deprecated the necessity of declaring independence; but they yet more earnestly abhorred and rejected unconditional submission. Still satisfied with the revolution of 1688 and its theory of security to liberty and property, they repelled the name of republican as a slander on their loyalty, but they spurned against passive obedience. Nothing on earth, they insisted, would deprive Great Britain of her transatlantic dominions but her harboring ungenerous suspicions, and thereupon entering into arbitrary and oppressive measures. All eyes were turned on her with hope and unbounded affection, with apprehension and firmness of resolve. Pray for the peace of our Je
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 20: (search)
renville had consented to carry such projects into effect. Each side confidently invoked the British constitution. Grenville declared the paramount authority of parliament throughout the British dominions to be the essence of the revolution of 1688; others insisted that that event had upheld and established principles, by which the liberty of the person was secured against arbitrary arrest, and the rights of property were recognised as sacred against every exaction without consent. The twustice. Protection and allegiance are reciprocal. If we are out of the king's protection, we are discharged from our allegiance. The ligaments of government are dissolved, the throne abdicated. Otis, quoting Grotius and the English lawyers, of 1688, assured the public, that If a king lets the affairs of a state run into disorder and confusion, his conduct is a real abdication; that unless business should proceed as usual, there would be a release of subjects from their chap. XX.} 1765. Dec
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 22: (search)
d that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authority of Locke, and the principles of the revolution of 1688, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. against the right of the colonists to enjoy English liberty; against the inherent distinction between taxation and legislation, which pers. The tory party, with George the Third at its head, accepted from Burke and Rockingham the creed which Grenville claimed to be the whiggism of the revolution of 1688, and Mansfield the British constitution of his times. In England, it was all over with the Middle Age. There was to be no more Jacobitism, no more zeal for leginion of the Catholic church and the sceptre. The new toryism was the child of modern civilization. It carried its pedigree no further back than the revolution of 1688, and was but a coalition of the king and the aristocracy upon the basis of the established law. By law the House of Hanover held the throne; by law the English c
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 24: (search)
liament, and to rule England for two generations. It is the declaration of the new tory party, in favor of the English constitution as it was, against any countenance to the extension of suffrage, the reform of parliament, and the effective exercise of private judgment. It is the modern form of an ancient doctrine. Oxford had said unconditional obedience to the king was the badge of loyalty; this protest substituted unconditional obedience to the legislature of the realm, as constituted in 1688. The first had, in the spirit of the mediaeval monarchy, derived the right to the throne from God; the second, resting on principles that had grown up in opposition to the old legitimacy, deified established law, and sought to bind its own and coming ages by statutes which were but the wisdom of a less enlightened generation that had long slumbered in their chap XXIV.} 1766. Mar. graves. The third reading of the repeal bill took place on the seventeenth of March. Bute, in whose adminis