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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 324 324 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 152 152 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 82 82 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 53 53 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 50 50 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 44 44 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 41 41 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 38 38 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 33 33 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery.. You can also browse the collection for 1850 AD or search for 1850 AD in all documents.

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ng been vindicated and made triumphant in this land, as a permanent rule of public policy in the organization of Territories and the admission of new States. Illinois took her position upon this principle many years ago. You all recollect that in 1850, after the passage of the Compromise measures of that year, when I returned to my home, there was great dissatisfaction expressed at my course in supporting those measures. I appeared before the people of Chicago at a mass meeting an vindicated ee general Congress of the Union. If we expect to maintain our liberties, we must preserve the rights and sovereignty of the States ; we must maintain and carry out that great principle of self-government incorporated in the compromise measures of 1850 ; indorsed. by the Illinois Legislature in 1851 ; emphatically embodied and carried out in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and vindicated this year by the refusal to bring Kansas into the Union with a Constitution distasteful to her people. The oth
rinciple in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Illinois stands proudly forward as a State which early took her position in favor of the principle of popular sovereignty as applied to the Territories of the United States. When the compromise measure of 1850 passed, predicated upon that principle, you recollect, the excitement which prevailed throughout the northern portion of this State. I vindicated those measures then, and defended myself for having voted for them, upon the ground that they embodicountry; have no other dividing lines but these, and we will be one united, harmonious people, with fraternal feelings, and no discord or dissension. These are my views and these are the principles to which I have devoted all my energies since 1850, when I acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the godlike Webster in that memorable struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside partisan feelings in order to restor
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) (search)
ota case shall be carried out in all future cases of the admission of Territories into the Union as States. Let that be done and the principle of popular sovereignty will be maintained in all of its vigor and all of its integrity. I rejoice to know that Illinois stands prominently and proudly forward among the States which first took their position firmly and immovably upon this principle of popular sovereignty, applied to the Territories as well as to the States. You all recollect when in 1850 the peace of the country was disturbed in consequence of the agitation of the slavery question, and the effort to force the Wilmot Proviso upon all the Territories, that it required all the talent and all the energy, all the wisdom, all the patriotism, of a Clay and a Webster, united with other great party leaders, to devise a system of measures by which peace and harmony could be restored to our distracted country. Those compromise measures eventually passed and mere recorded on the statute
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
e Whig party and the Democratic party jointly adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of this slavery question in all its fhig and Democratic ranks, who had devised and enacted the Compromise measures of 1850. In 1851, the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopresolutions indorsing and approving the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, as the proper adjustment of that question. In 1852, when the Whig party assembthe Presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the Compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment of that question. [Here tocratic candidate for the Presidency, it also adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic action. Thus you see that up to 1853-54, the Whig pa Nebraska on that principle which had been adopted in the Compromise measures of 1850, approved by the Whig party and the Democratic party in Illinois in 1851, and in
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
risten them whenever they were brought in. Lincoln went to work to dissolve the old line Whig party. Clay was dead, and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into disrepute those great Compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1854 the old Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform so far as this slavery question was concerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular and the sub-treasury, but we agreed on this slavery question and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The Compromise measures of 1850 were introduced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852 the Whig party, in its last National Convention at Baltimore ind
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
to geographical factions. You remember that in 1850--this country was agitated from its center to is to be governed. During the Congress of 1849--1850, Henry Clay was the leader of the Union men, sur Southern Disunionists. That great contest of 1850 resulted in the establishment of the Compromiseted the principle of the Compromise Measures of 1850 as their rule of party action in the future. Oll had acquiesced in the Compromise measures of 1850. We never had been seriously disturbed by any ri Compromise was repealed by the Compromise of 1850. My own opinion is, that a careful investigatier. Mr. Lincoln-The time Campbell ran was in 1850. I have not the exact date here. It was some time in 1850 that these interrogatories were put and the answer given. Campbell was elected to Congs's friends. So again, in that same race of 1850, there was a Congressional Convention assembled city and vindicated the Compromise Measures of 1850. Remember the city council had passed resoluti[12 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
d Democrats differ about this slavery question? On the contrary, did we not, in 1850, unite to a man in favor of that system of Compromise measures which Mr. Clay inion party on the other. Just recollect for a moment the memorable contest of 1850, when this country was agitated from its center to its circumference by the slavhem, and they gave peace and quiet to the country. Those Compromise measures of 1850 were founded upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State truction of Democrats and Whigs both, who supported those Compromise measures of 1850. When I returned home to Chicago, I found the citizens inflamed and infuriated Presidency, they adopted as a part of their platform the Compromise measures of 1850 as the cardinal plank upon which every Whig would stand and by which he would re Mexican war. Again, this was the trouble which was quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was settled forever , as both the great political parties declared in t
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
ose of defending my political action upon the Compromise measures of 1850 and the passage of the Kansas--Nebraska bill. Those of you before mt or wrong. If it was and is right, then the Compromise measures of 1850 were right, and, consequently, the Kansas and Nebraska bill, based u violation of the principle enunciated in the Compromise measures of 1850, and Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854, and therefore I led off in thcause our system differs from theirs. In the Compromise Measures of 1850, Mr. Clay declared that this great principle ought to exist in the Touglas said (in the beginning of his speech) about the Compromise of 1850, containing the principle of the Nebraska bill, although I have oftes nothing of the principle of the Nebraska bill in the Compromise of 1850 at all-nothing whatever. Where can you find the principle of the Neg that as a part of that system of measures called the Compromise of 1850, which finally included half a dozen acts. It included the admissio
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
that he would and by the Compromise measures of 1850, which declared that the States might come into propose to show that Judge Douglas's action in 1850 and 1854 was taken with especial reference to t stump, the same doctrine that I carried out in 1850, by supporting Clay's Compromise measures. Thehocked that I should now stand where I stood in 1850, when I was supported by Clay, Webster, Cass, ase taken by Judge Douglas on the Compromises of 1850. The record shows, beyond the possibility of cdvocated as applicable to territorial bills, in 1850 ; that, from that session until the present, noetc., etc. I will begin with the Compromises of 1850. Any Senator who will take the trouble to examic, and that I was not a Democrat in 1854 or in 1850! Now is not that funny? Think that the authort. The Union says I was not a sound Democrat in 1850, nor in 1854, nor in 1856, nor am I in 1858, bebster, and Cass, and the Compromise measures of 1850, and the Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854. Whe[1 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
s never pretended to do under Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. He would not answer, and I have not yet been able to get t them and their treasonable designs. Such was the case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and peace of his home, and again ony, or integrity of the Union was imperiled. It was so in 1850, when Abolitionism had even so far divided this country, Nown way. I stand on that same platform in 1858 that I did in 1850, 1854, and 1856. The Washington Union pretending to be theed upon the same principle as Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. The Union thus proved that Douglas was the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, and 1850, and consequently argued that he was never a Democrat. Is it not funny that I was never by my speeches that I explained the Compromise measures of 1850 just as I do now, and that I explained the Kansas and Nebraxas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception
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