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James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion 4 4 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 3 3 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 3 3 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 06, 1860., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 1 1 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 1 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 1 1 Browse Search
Edward H. Savage, author of Police Recollections; Or Boston by Daylight and Gas-Light ., Boston events: a brief mention and the date of more than 5,000 events that transpired in Boston from 1630 to 1880, covering a period of 250 years, together with other occurrences of interest, arranged in alphabetical order 1 1 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1 1 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 3: assembling of Congress.--the President's Message. (search)
the Cotton-growing States were in a blaze of excitement, and the Slave-labor States north of them were surging, and almost insurgent, with conflicting opinions and perplexing doubts and fears, and the Free-labor States were looking on in amazement at the madness of their colleagues, who were preparing to resist the power of the Constitution and laws of the land, the Thirty-Sixth Congress assembled at Washington City. It began its second and last session at the Capitol, on Monday, the 3d of December, 1860. It was on a bright and beautiful morning; and as the eye looked out from the western front of the Capitol upon the city below, the winding Potomac and the misty hights of Arlington beyond, it beheld a picture of repose, strongly contrasting with the spirits of men then assembling in the halls of Congress. Never, since the birth of the Nation — more than seventy years before — had the people looked with more solemn interest upon the assembling of the National Legislature than at t
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
orth had watched the rising rebellion, first with incredulity and then with amazement; but when it assumed tangible form and substance — when it became a reality, aggressive and implacable — they prepared to meet it with calmness and firmness. They deprecated all inflammatory proceedings like the commemoration, in Boston, of the execution of John Brown, December 3. Quite a number of citizens of Boston, and some from other places, assembled in Tremont Temple, in that city, on the 3d of December, 1860, to celebrate the anniversary of the execution of John Brown, in Virginia, the year before. A larger number of inhabitants, led by a man named Fay, also assembled there, took possession of the Temple, organized a meeting, denounced the acts of John Brown as bloody and tyrannical, and; his sympathizers as disturbers of the public peace; and then, according to a published account, expelled from the hall the Abolitionists and negroes by sheer force. and were anxious to be exactly just
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 8: attitude of the Border Slave-labor States, and of the Free-labor States. (search)
etts in the National Senate (Henry Wilson and Charles Sumner) were known in every part of the Union as the most able and uncompromising opponents of the Slave system; and its Governor at that time (John A. Andrew) was an earnest co-worker with them in the cause of the final emancipation of the slaves within the borders of the Republic. Its Personal Liberty Act was most offensive to the slaveholders; and the ill-timed and irritating performances of a few zealous men in Boston, on the 3d of December, 1860, as we have observed, in celebrating the anniversary of the execution of John Brown, See page 114. added intensity to the flame of passion — of hatred and disgust of New Englanders — in all the region below the Potomac and the Ohio, and far away to the Rio Grande. It was evident at the beginning of January, 1861, that the contagion of secession was spreading too rapidly, and was too malignant in its character, to be arrested either by moral suasion or by compromises and concessi
ke Island, 2.175. Memminger, C. G., a special commissioner from South Carolina to Virginia, 1.93. Memphis, naval battle opposite, 2.298; occupation of by General Wallace, 2.299; sudden dash of Forrest into, 3.248; expedition of Grierson from against the Mobile and Ohio railway, 3.415. Meridian, destructive raid of Sherman to from Vicksburg, 3.238-3.240. Merrimack, blown up by the Confederates, 2.389. Merrimack and 1 Monitor, 2.359-2.366. Message of President Buchanan, of Dec. 3, 1860, 1.64; unsatisfactory to all parties, 1.73; popular disappointment excited by, 1.74. Message of President Buchanan, of Jan. 8, 1861, 1.218. Mexico, invasion of by the French, 3.47. Michigan, attitude of in relation to secession, 1.212. Middletown, battle of, 3.371. miles, Col. D. H., bad conduct of at the battle of Bull's Run, 1.606; his surrender of Harper's Ferry, and death. 2.473. Militia, seventy-five thousand called for to suppress the rebellion, 1.336. Millen, Ga
Xxiv. conciliation in Congress. Buchanan and Black condemn coercion Mr. Crittenden and his Compromise Mr. Corwin's Committee of thirty-one Senator Anthony's proffer C. L. Vallandigham's project the Corwin constitutional amendment adopted by either House. the XXXVIth Congress reconvened for its second and last session on Monday, December 3, 1860, and President Buchanan transmitted his fourth and last Annual Message next day. After briefly stating therein that the year then closing had been one of general health, ample harvests, and commercial prosperity, he plunged into the great political controversy of the day after this fashion: Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with destruction? The long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States has at length produced its natural effects. T
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Memoir of the First Maryland regiment. (search)
small, but respectable part of them, believed him to be true at heart to the South. This part was strong, from its political and social position, and by it the remainder was obliged to be checked in order to procure harmonious action. The legislature was known to be nearly unanimously true to the South. Under these circumstances, all that could be done was to apply to the governor to convene the legislature in extra session, which was done in the latter part of November. On the 3d of December, 1860, he replied with the first of those remarkable specimens of subterfuge, which he subsequently followed up with such masterpieces as have embalmed his reputation as a trickster among the most distinguished that history records. In a letter to Governor Pratt, he declined at that time to convene the legislature, because he was in correspondence with the governors of Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina, as to the best means of preserving the rights of the South, and at th
l government had no rightful power to coerce a state. Like the sages and patriots who had preceded him in the high office that he filled, he believed that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress may possess many means of preserving it by conciliation, but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force. Message of December 3, 1860. Ten years before, Calhoun, addressing the Senate with all the earnestness of his nature, and with that sincere desire to avert the danger of disunion which those who knew him best never doubted, had asked the emphatic question, How can the Union be saved? He answered his question thus: There is but one way by which it can be [saved] with any certainty; and that is by a full and final settlement, on the principles of justice, of all the questions at issue between the sections.
th documents of the same class which have since been addressed to the Congress of the United States, the reader of presidential messages must regret that it was not accepted by Buchanan's successors as a model, and that his views of the Constitution had not been adopted as a guide in the subsequent action of the federal government. The popular movement in the South was tending steadily and rapidly toward the secession of those known as planting states; yet, when Congress assembled on December 3, 1860, the representatives of the people of all those states took their seats in the House, and they were all represented in the Senate, except South Carolina, whose Senators had tendered their resignation to the government immediately on the announcement of the result of the presidential election. Hopes were still cherished that the Northern leaders would appreciate the impending peril, would cease to treat the warnings, so often given, as idle threats, would refrain from the bravado, so o
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Moore, John Bassett 1860- (search)
Moore, John Bassett 1860- Author; born in Smyrna, Del., Dec. 3, 1860; was educated at the University of Virginia, and John Bassett Moore. admitted to the bar of Delaware in 1883. In 1885 he was appointed law clerk in the State Department in Washington, D. C., and in the following year became third assistant Secretary of State. In 1891 he resigned this office to accept the chair of International Law and Diplomacy in Columbia University. In April, 1898, he was recalled to the United States Department of State, and in September became secretary and counsel to the American Peace Commissioners in Paris. He is author of Extradition and Interstate rendition; American notes on the conflict of laws; History and digest of international arbitrations, etc., and one of the editors of the Political Science quarterly, and of the Journal du droit international Prive;. See Professor Moore's article on the Alaskan boundary, in vol. i., p. 81.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), State of South Carolina, (search)
bers of the convention was held, and the Charleston Mercury was enabled to say to the officers of the army and navy natives of that State it was calling home, You need have no more doubt of South Carolina's going out of the Union than of the world's turning round. Every man that goes to the convention will be a pledged man—pledged for immediate separate State secession in any event whatever. This promise was uttered before the members of the convention had been chosen. They were chosen Dec. 3, 1860. They met at Columbia on the 17th, and chose David F. Jamison president. The great prevalence of small-pox there caused the delegates to adjourn to Charleston, where they proceeded at once to business. They chose several committees, one of which was to draft an ordinance of secession. J. A. Inglis was chairman of that committee, and on Dec. 20 reported the David F. Jamison. following ordinance: We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare an
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