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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.1843. (search)
ts. A memorial of Boston shipowners to Congress on this subject elicited a report from the Committee on Commerce (Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts, chairman), affirming the unconstitutionality of the Southern laws by which colored seamen were arrested and kept in jail while their vessels lay in port, and sold as slaves if charges were not paid. But the House refused leave to print it (Lib. 13: 24, 26, 30; 15: 7). In his admirable report recommending a Personal Liberty Act, Charles Francis Adams said: It is the slave representation which . . . is effecting, by slow but sure degrees, the overthrow of all the noble principles that were embodied in the Federal Constitution. Lib. 13.35. Joint resolves were accordingly passed by the Massachusetts Legislature, praying that the clause of the Constitution providing for the representation of slaves might be removed from that instrument; Mr. Garrison had proposed this a dozen years before (ante, 1: 264). and these were presented
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!1844. (search)
us documents in the Rogers affair. The year opened with Congressional debates over the Massachusetts resolves in favor of abrogating the three-fifths Ante, pp. 92, 93. slaverepresentation clause in the Federal Constitution—a premium, as Charles Francis Adams rightly affirmed, on Lib. 14.37. the perpetuation of slavery, and, as the elder Adams and Giddings showed (in a minority report on the resolves), Lib. 14.69. the foundation of a privileged order of citizens, a slaveholding oligarchy, tee's resolutions declaring the three-fifths compromise sacred, and its abolition not to be entertained. This irrefragable argument for disunion demonstrated likewise the essential barrenness of the final victory of Lib. 14.9, 19, 37, 39, 198. Mr. Adams's contention for the rescinding of the gag-rule against anti-slavery petitions—to which South Carolina responded that if Congress should next attempt Lib. 14.206. antislavery legislation, the Federal compact would be at an end. She was alre
unexceptionable joint resolves prepared by Lib. 15.25, 39. Charles Francis Adams, suggesting retaliation with reference to South Carolina; bd with and assisted Stephen C. Phillips, Charles Allen, and Charles Francis Adams, in preparing the Address of the Convention—an address filley mean, asked Mr. Garrison, to act that farce over again? Charles Francis Adams objected to jeoparding united action by any such radical prrofessed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing Lib. 15.185; cf. 206. nothing further left, and direceive their sanction, be the consequences what they may. Mr. C. F. Adams again objected to such an affirmation Lib. 15.177. on the parb. 15.178. meeting held in Faneuil Hall on November 4, with Charles Francis Adams in the chair; the stirring resolutions being offered by Johchusetts Secretary of State. At the head of this committee stood Mr. Adams, and Mr. Garrison was among his colleagues, consenting to become
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
ces as a mere status, was lamentably shown by the compliance of the Whig governors Briggs Geo. N. Briggs, Wm. Slade. and Slade (of Massachusetts and Vermont respectively) with the President's request for a State call for volunteers. Lib. 16.87, 90, 91, 113. This action did not prevent the party from renominating Briggs, nor did Robert C. Winthrop's acceptance of the Ante, p. 139. war afford a sufficient handle to the Conscience Whigs (as Ms. Sept. 30, 1846, F. Jackson to W. L. G. Charles Francis Adams denominated those who were not Cotton Whigs) to deprive him of a renomination. The Cotton Whigs swept the State. One heard Daniel Webster proclaim in Faneuil Hall: I am for the Constitution as our fathers left it to us, and standing by it and dying by it. Lib. 16.182. But also one heard John Quincy Adams, from his home in Quincy, deny that there was anything left to Lib. 16.194. stand by: The Constitution of the United States—stat magni nominis umbra. This quotation, said the ed
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
another convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on August 9. Meanwhile, a great mass convention on the same lines was held at Worcester, Mass., on June 28, under the Lib. 18.106. presidency of Samuel Hoar and leadership of Stephen C. Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib.and flourish; but if it stop there, it had better never have been born. Whigs and Democrats managed the Buffalo Lib. 18.131. Convention that resulted in placing before the country the nominations of Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President, on a platform of Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men [wherever slavery is not established already]. Lib. 18.142. The Liberty Party representatives were there to yield, not to dictate. They heard, with fe
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
50, to consider the condition of fugitive slaves and other colored persons under the new law. In a letter read in his absence, he impugned the constitutionality both of the law of 1850 and of that of 1793 which it amended, alleging that Massachusetts accepted the compromise clause in the Federal Constitution concerning runaways on the understanding that the claim should be enforced in conformity to and in coincidence with the known and established principles of her own Constitution. Charles Francis Adams, who presided, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., who offered the resolutions, called for the instant repeal, at the next session of Congress, of a measure both unconstitutional and repugnant to the moral sense, and promised to help defend the colored people, whom they advised to remain. Ten days before, at Belknap-Street Church, this Oct. 4, 1850. class of citizens had resolved to arm, and to resist the kidnapper to the death. Mr. Garrison, while Lib. 20.162. admonishing them that fugiti
s talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if tendered him again. Nevertheless, assemble it did on August 11, borrowing the appellation of Free Democracy Lib. 22.134. from the Cleveland Convention of May 2, 1849, Lib. 19.85. and drawing to itself both Free Soil and the remnant of independent Liberty Party elements. Henry Wilson presided. Frederick Douglass, on motion of Lewis Tappan, was made one of the secretaries. Charles Francis Adams, Gerrit Smith, F. J. Le Moyne, and Joshua R. Giddings took a leading part. The platform declared for no more slave States, no slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves Lib. 22.134. —which last was to be relegated to the States; Accordingly, the new party was estopped from complaining of California's having passed a retroactive fugitive-slave law (Lib. 22: 49, 50, 65, 89, 99, 117, 167, 169). and against the Compromise measu
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
County without distinction of party, which received CH. XVII. 1857. with acclamation—even if, alarmed at its own boldness, it presently reconsidered and rejected—a resolution, That the annexation of Texas to the Union would be a just and sufficient cause for a dissolution of the Union. The letters addressed to the Convention by the most eminent Republican politicians of the day revealed their irresolution and utter impotency before the unchecked advance of the Slave Power. Charles Francis Adams, who in 1843 had incurred the charge of being a Ante, pp. 92, 93. disunionist by his simple proposal of an amendment to the Constitution abolishing slave representation, still found the greatest defect in the Constitution to be the antirepub-lican preponderance which it gives to the slaveholding class. Lib. 27.20. He was of opinion that the notion of no union with slaveholders is founded on a mistaken theory of morals, compelling the good to withdraw altogether from the society of