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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 42 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 32 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 16 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 14 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 14 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 11 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 10 0 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 10 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 10 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 8 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Thomas H. Benton or search for Thomas H. Benton in all documents.

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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
nor did it avowedly or necessarily involve any amendment of that instrument; yet the Slave Power refused to live for a single hour under a regime pledged only to the Constitutional restriction of the area of slavery. In this very year, 1844, toasts Lib. 14.129, 141. were drunk on the Fourth of July in South Carolina to Texas or Disunion; and there and in Alabama a convention of the slaveholding States was demanded, to count the cost and value of the Federal Union. Lib. 14: 129, 142. Thomas H. Benton openly denounced annexation, not per se, but Lib. 14.142. as being an actual cover for a disunion conspiracy. The policy of seeking anti-slavery amendments to the Constitution Mr. Garrison had relegated to the limbo to which he had long ago consigned that of Ante, 1.188. addressing moral appeals to slaveholders. His Liberator call for the tenth anniversary of the American Society now unhesitatingly made the repeal of the Union a main Lib. 14.59. object of rallying to New York. T
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
y be overruled at any time. It gives us no security. But the Constitution is stable. . . . Let us go back and stand upon the Constitution! So, for the sake of that institution which he pronounced indispensable for the good of both races, Thomas H. Benton. he offered what Benton denominated, with good reason, a string of abstractions and firebrands. There is, wrote Mr. Garrison on March 1, 1847, to Richard Ms. Webb, no other question so universally discussed as that of slavery, and Benton denominated, with good reason, a string of abstractions and firebrands. There is, wrote Mr. Garrison on March 1, 1847, to Richard Ms. Webb, no other question so universally discussed as that of slavery, and within the last six months a most surprising change in public sentiment has undeniably taken place. The cowardly pro-slavery war which our national Administration is waging with Mexico, is producing a mighty reaction against the Slave Power, and, out of the slave States, is generally regarded with abhorrence. Mr. Calhoun, who is the Napoleon of slavery, is evidently anticipating a Waterloo defeat, in due season. You will see his speech in the last number of the Liberator. He does not attempt
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
colonize as fast as freedom, returned to plague the inventor, by renewing his mortal apprehension of the Ante, p. 216. loss of the slaveholding preponderance in Congress. He tried, by the Clayton makeshift, to gain time for Southern immigration and control, by forbidding the Territorial Lib. 18.118. governments of New Mexico and California to take any action for or against the introduction of slave property. Beaten in this, he became frantic on the presentation, Lib. 18.202. through Senator Benton, of a petition from the people of New Mexico asking for a Territorial organization exclusive of slavery. Most insolent, he called it, from men whose confines had been conquered to the Union by the very slaveholders they wished to keep out. Equally wild and ruffianly (in slave-driving fashion) was his language in the Lib. 18.69. debates growing out of the Drayton and Sayres adventure Lib. 18.62, 66, 67, 81, 127, 128, 130, 161, 190, 198. —a wholesale running off by, water of a large bod
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
o say whether they will exercise it or not . . . I wish I could see one-half of the members of Congress women. I wish I could see one-half of the members of our Legislature women. They are entitled to this. I am quite sure —I think I hazard nothing in saying—that the legislation of our country would be far different from what it is. I think the outrageous scenes which are witnessed on the floor of Congress at Washington For instance, Hangman Foote of Mississippi drawing a pistol on Benton in the Senate, April 15, 1850 (Lib. 20: 66, 69, 70). would for ever be banished; for it is a fact, cognizable by the whole earth, that men always behave in the presence of women better than when women are absent, as I presume the women behave a great deal better in the presence of men than when the men are absent. (Much merriment.) But there is a philosophical reason for this, particularly as it respects legislation. We cannot have too much intellect, nor have too much humanity, mingled in
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
able to the abolitionists; but his solitary courage amid a contemptuous and murderous pro-slavery body like the Senate of the United States deserved, and had always received, recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. Clay, The first meeting of Garrison and C. M. Clay, whenever it took place, was not as early as 1844, as the latter records in his Autobiography (1: 99; see Lib. 16: 23). I said to him: Why, Garrison, I had
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
ut in each case a specific bargain was struck, which, nominally, was binding for all time, but legally was exposed to repudiation by Congress at any time, so far as promises or prohibitions were concerned. Nor was it the intent of the Slave Power to allow the people to establish free institutions, as the whole framing of the act showed, and as followed from the mere fact of tolerating slave property, like any other, pending organization as a State. As Benton well said in the debates in T. H. Benton. the House, the squatter sovereignty provided for in the bill only extends to the subject of slavery, and only to one side of that—the admitting side. Lib. 24.70. All laws to prevent the bringing in of slaves were forbidden, and the sovereigns could not pass upon and settle the question of slave or free society till a State government was formed. Meanwhile, the institution would have taken possession, and could only have been expelled by force. In 1847, a public meeting at Richmond, V