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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
y. Howell Cobb of Georgia and Winthrop being the Democratic and Whig candidates. Ante, p. 148. The slave-power has received its first serious check, and all parties see that the slavery question is soon to be paramount to all others. . . . General Cass's motion in the Senate Looking to a suspension of diplomatic relations with Austria, on account of her treatment of Hungary. will probably be defeated; it would certainly be a dangerous precedent. Nevertheless, I am so sincerely displeased When the balloting was postponed for three days, I thought our friends had lost the chances. My own opinion now is that they are lost beyond recovery; but others do not share this. The pressure from Washington has been prodigious. Webster and Cass have both done all they could. Of course, Boston Whiggery is aroused against me. There were for several days uneasy stomachs at the chances of my success. . . . It is very evident that a slight word of promise or yielding to the hunkers would hav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
sion began, his credentials were presented by Mr. Cass, whom he invited to do the service as his oletter days, and was again to see better days. Cass had long enjoyed the advantage of various publil into pleasant relations with his associates. Cass, with the recollection of their intercourse in ner with the French Minister; company pleasant; Cass very genial and friendly; Calderon always affecn and Badger. Among its zealous advocates were Cass and Shields from the West; but the most finisheis purpose to join with any party in support of Cass, or any candidate for President, who was commit were made upon them,—among which were those of Cass, Seward, and Soule. Sumner thought at one timeand most of the Whigs desired a hearing for me. Cass, Atchison, Soule, Bright, Norris, and many othetion of a resort to force in resisting the law. Cass, making no reference to Sumner, explained in a avery; and Bright used even stronger language. Cass has complimented me warmly. Soule has express
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ndisposition, and that if present he should have voted against the bill. Seward and other Northern Whig senators published a certificate confirming his statement as to his illness. All Northern Whig senators present voted against the bill, including Fish, who, however, took no part in the debate at any stage. The majority consisted of a united South, except Bell and Houston, and of all Northern Democrats except four. But this majority was divided in the grounds of its support. Douglas and Cass maintained that the people of the territory, by virtue of popular sovereignty (squatter sovereignty) had alone the right to settle the question of slavery for themselves; while the extreme Southern party maintained that the Constitution secured to slaveholders the right to hold slaves in the territory till its admission as a State, with no power in Congress or the territorial legislature to prohibit it. Douglas's measure, carried without unity of argument, settled nothing. Proposed with the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
rd of New York, and Thompson of New Jersey. On Cass's motion he was appointed one of the two memberike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 394-398. Cass delivered a speech of great length, May 12 and nd confidently count on it next week, after General Cass, when I shall expose this whole crime at grtended to think these comparisons indecent, and Cass thought the metaphor unpatriotic. The latter, umner closed his speech the storm broke forth. Cass was the first to rise, calling it the most un-Ae replied briefly to his assailants, dismissing Cass's censure with a simple reference to old associuthern senator. He came close to the scene,—to Cass's seat (No. 30), within ten feet of it,—continuand, Dodge of Wisconsin, Geyer of Missouri, and Cass of Michigan,—their votes ranging from thirty-thd no other Republican received more than four. Cass accepted, though refusing to be chairman, and icarefully away, with one exception,—that of General Cass, who had not altogether forgotten old relat[1 more.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
are described in Works, vol. v. p. 344. which, as it passed down Hancock Street, saluted them with repeated cheers. Later in the campaign he delivered in Fitchburg, and repeated in Worcester, a speech on the popular sovereignty dogma,—a doctrine which admitted the right of the settlers of a territory to establish slavery in it, and showed how such a doctrine, if adopted early in our history, would have largely increased the number of slave States. Works, vol. v. pp. 309-337. Started by Cass and Douglas as a device for evading the issue in Congress between freedom and slavery, it had been substantially adopted by Eli Thayer, the Republican member of Congress for the Worcester District, now seeking a re-election as an independent candidate against Mr. Bailey, who had been nominated by the Republicans. The contest promised to be a close one, and Sumner's speech was thought by those most intimately concerned to have insured Mr. Thayer's defeat. One journal in Boston printed an edi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
h; and Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, equally disloyal with Floyd, who lingered till January 8. Black, the Attorney-General, gave an elaborate opinion, November 20, strung with sophistries, denying the right of the government to maintain itself by armed force in the insurgent States. The President refused, against the appeal of the loyal members of his Cabinet, to reinforce the forts in the harbor of Charleston. From such a Cabinet, in which he could no longer remain with honor, even Cass, Secretary of State, after a career of subserviency to the South, withdrew, December 14, to be succeeded by Black. The notion of State supremacy, which recognized an allegiance to the State on the part of its citizens higher than any due from them to the nation, had so corrupted the minds of officers of the army and navy from the South that a painful uncertainty prevailed as to the loyalty of Southern men holding high commands in either service. Many, to their honor be it said, never wavere
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
ion with Seward, called in the Senate for the correspondence with Great Britain concerning the recognition of rebel belligerency and depredations by the Alabama and other cruisers fitted out in that country. Both Seward and Sumner were desirous that Mr. Bemis should arrange the papers. To Lieber, March 28:— I think you will like the German treaty. To my mind it is essentially just. Concerning naturalized citizens emigrating from Germany. It embodies the claim originally made by Cass, and for a long time denied by Prussia. His claim represented high-water mark on this question in our country, and now Germany reaches this point. The treaty was carried, after debate, by thirty-nine to eight. The House passed at this session a bill concerning the rights of naturalized citizens. It came up for consideration late in January, and was voted upon April 20, 1868. N. P. Banks, chairman of the committee on foreign affairs, reported it, and led in the debate. He had been a co
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley, Chapter 22: 1848! (search)
. Taylor's nomination, the day after it was made, that I would support if I saw no other way, to defeat the election of Lewis Cass. That pledge I have ever regarded. I shall faithfully redeem it. And, since there is now no chance remaining that any other than Gen. Taylor or Gen. Cass can be elected, I shall henceforth support the ticket nominated at Philadelphia, and do what I can for its election. But I have not changed my opinion of the nomination of Gen. Taylor. I believe it was unwinow be unfaithful. I cannot forget that if Gen. Taylor be elected we shall in all probability have a Whig Congress; if Gen. Cass is elected, a Loco-Foco Congress. Who can ask me to throw away all these because of my objections to Gen. Taylor? t that your bitter adversaries would rejoice to hear that you had resolved to break off from the Whig party and permit Gen Cass to be chosen President, with an obedient Congress? I cannot doubt it. And I cannot believe that a wise or worthy course,
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 6: (search)
, and on the 9th it was finally admitted, by the government journals, that there was no longer any objection to his being in Paris. December 11.—I dined to-day at Mr. Harris's, Earlier our Charge d'affaires in Paris, for a time. where were General Cass, our Minister, Prince Czartoriyski, formerly Prime Minister of Alexander of Russia, General Lallemand, and a few others. But the person who most interested me was Baron Pichon. See Vol. I. pp. 132 and 261. I sat next to him at dinner, andecember 28.—. . . . In the evening I was presented at Court, which took a tedious while; for I left home before seven o'clock and did not get back till nearly ten, the first hour being spent in assembling, with eight or ten other Americans, at General Cass's and getting to the palace, an hour and a half at the palace itself, and half an hour to find my carriage and get home . . . . . I think about an hundred and thirty persons were presented. Of these, perhaps seven or eight were Austrians, six
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 7: (search)
, and though it was possible to escape from them all, and go to the literary and philosophical salons of Lamartine, De Gerando, Jomard, Jouy, and some others, yet it is a chance if you would not, after all, even there, fall into the midst of. political disputes between some of those who, even on this neutral ground, could not help the ascendancy of the partisanship that governs them everywhere else. The Diplomacy—except at Lord Granville's, which was always flooded with English, and at General Cass's, which was nothing but stupid-had no open salons this winter . . . . . The effect of the whole of this is, that the society of Paris is less elegant than it used to be. Its numbers are greater and its tone lower, and politics are heard everywhere above everything else. . . . . Everything in France, its government, its society, its arts, the modes of life, literature, and the morals and religion of the country, are in a transition state. Nothing is settled there. Nothing, I think, i
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