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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 295 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 229 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 164 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 120 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 78 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 66 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 60 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 54 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 51 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 40 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Henry Clay or search for Henry Clay in all documents.

Your search returned 30 results in 10 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!1844. (search)
arty, and specifically (in this Presidential year) against its candidate, J. G. Birney, Lib. 14.19. as well as against Henry Clay, the predestined nominee of the Whig Party, and Calhoun and Van Buren, possible candidates of the Democratic Party. that they can support no man but one belonging to their party, and especially aim their blows at the Whigs and friends of Clay. Now Mr. Adams is a Whig, a supporter of Clay, a repudiator of Liberty Party, rejects Immediate Emancipation as impracticClay, a repudiator of Liberty Party, rejects Immediate Emancipation as impracticable and unjust, declares that he will vote against the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and in Florida, denounces abolitionists and the A. S. agitation; and while he admits that slavery can be abolished by a change of the Constitutioential contest, in which a vote for James K. Polk was equivalent to instructions for the admission of Texas, a vote for Henry Clay was no obstacle to the same consummation, and a vote for Birney was virtually a vote for Polk. Everywhere at the North
ention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that Lib. 15.170. the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party Lib. 15.182. (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing Lib. 15.185; cf. 206. nothing further left, and disregarding the example of Florida, vainly looked for some modification of the pro-slavery Constitution of Texas. Abbott Lawrence and Nathan Appleton, ex-members of Congress, not only desisted from opposition On March 25, 1837, Mr. Lawrence wrote to his constituents: The independence of this infant nation [T
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
e so near an Lib. 17.43. approach to enacting gradual emancipation for herself Lib. 17.42. that Calhoun, forecasting the balance of power in Lib. 17.34. Congress, reckoned her on the side of the free States. Significant, though abortive, movements of the same kind were also made during the year in Kentucky and West Lib. 17.174, 194. Virginia, and these facts effectually dispose of the silly allegation that the abolitionists hindered spontaneous emancipation on the part of the South. Henry Clay so far chimed in with the sentiment of his native State as to oppose, in a public speech at Lexington, the Nov. 13, 1847; Lib. 17.189, 193. dismemberment of Mexico, or the acquisition of territory for slaveholding propagandism. Other symptoms that the occupation of the City of Sept. 13-15, 1847. Mexico by the American army of invasion did not mean a truce to the irrepressible conflict were the passage, or attempted passage, of laws to protect colored citizens Lib. 17.27, 147; 18.22.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib. 18.94, 98, 102. against the action of their party at Philadelphia on June 7, when the popular hero of the Mexican War, Gen. Zachary Taylor, a Louisiana slaveholder, was nominated for President, in disregard of the claims of Clay and of Webster. Of these standing candidates in petto Mr. Garrison declared in May (Lib. 18: 74): Nothing can be more fallacious than their expectations. To those who have asked us privately, for the last twelve months, who would in our opinion be the Presidential candidate of the Whig Party, our reply has been, unhesitatingly and emphatically—Zachary Taylor. Press nominations of Taylor began as far back as the date indicated (Lib. 17: 61). Before the Buffalo Convention assembled, Mr
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
, and straightway by word and deed justified Mr. Garrison's charge that he had gone over to the side of the oppressor. He granted with alacrity an interview to Henry Clay, declaring it an honor Lib. 19.190. from the greatest man of the age, and directly began his Southern tour by way of the Federal capital. The South Carolina Tfered by a Northern member. The Lumpkin exposure and the luckless Address were alleged against the proposed courtesy by an Alabamian Lib. 19.206. fire-eater; but Clay nimbly came to the rescue, repaying the compliments received in New York, and offsetting the Address with Father Mathew's holding aloof from the abolitionists. Jeposed to it as a sanction of the Apostle's course on the subject of slavery. Pearce, of Maryland, thought the precedent a James A. Pearce. bad one: to-day it was Clay's Irish patriot, to-morrow it might be the Hungarian Kossuth. So the debate was prolonged, with much heat evolved; but the Southern Senators and their doughface a
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
, said he, that would be to vote for the positive introduction of slavery, which Heaven forbid Henry Clay should do either north or south of 36° 30′— and because slavery would have an advantage in putd, agitate, but impotently. Calhoun's glazed eye, almost fixed in death, saw more clearly than Clay's. His last speech, read for him in the Senate, protested not against the Kentuckian's aims in be it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested e a sort of regard for him; his course, the last year, certainly contrasts honorably with that of Clay and Webster. Small praise that, to be sure. A new source of confusion seems to be thrown into t he shall train or not. I want no opprobrium thrown upon him on account of his complexion. See Clay's passion in the Senate over a petition pointing out the inequality of military obligation North
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
ion, bearing the signature of Lib. 21.30. Millard Fillmore, President of the United States! Henry Clay —with one foot in the grave, and just ready to have both body and soul cast into hell—as if eaep or mutter against the execution of the Fugitive Slave Bill shall have his life crushed out! Clay was especially horrified because the rescue of Shadrach had been effected by a band who are not oe that he would not vote to enforce her obedience with army and navy (Lib. 21: 34). On Feb. 21, Mr. Clay pitied rather than blamed the deluded blacks, and invoked punishment on those who made tools of Americans, in preaching sedition and disunion (Lib. 21: 34). Senator Cass of Michigan, following Clay, and not being averse to seconding, his mob incentive, referred to the conduct of this miscreant Let the mobocrats of Faneuil Hall answer! Ante, p. 306. (Applause.) I have stayed to trouble Mr. Clay, who could not Ante, p. 327. avoid insulting me on the floor of the Senate-house, assisted by
thanks to individuals—to a slaveholder, first of all: to Henry Clay, namely. To the same hollow friend alike of temperance , 1851, from Cork, sending good Colton's Private Corr. of Clay, p. 624. wishes and blessings for the New Year to the pridee North by the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, thanks to Clay above all other men. He had seen the workings of that measuncipation, singled out for dedication to mob violence by Henry Clay in the Ante, p. 327. Senate Chamber. Clay had tried Clay had tried his hand at inciting mobs before. On Sept. 2, 1843, he wrote to his future biographer, the Rev. Calvin Colton, urging him tion of the black man (Colton's Private correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 476). Like the priest in the parable, and like the Pstilities against her Government (Lib. 23: 6). He visits Henry Clay, who likewise Lib. 22.11, 13, 25. dashes his hopes, andNew York Tribune said in 1851, from the point of view of Henry Clay: There being no longer any immediate danger of the exten
ath. 3. The language attributed to us by such lying journals as the Pennsylvanian and the Boston Post, being torn from its connection and basely garbled, does not truly represent our views. We said: If there were no moral barrier to our voting (but there is), and we had a million of votes to bestow, we should cast them all for Fremont, as against Buchanan and Fillmore—not because he is an abolitionist or a disunionist (for he is neither, any more than was Washington, Jefferson, Webster, Clay, or Jackson, occupying precisely their ground), but because he is for the non-extension of slavery, in common with the great body of the people of the North, whose attachment to the Union amounts to idolatry. Well, the Presidential struggle will terminate on Tuesday Nov. 4, 1856. next, with all its forgeries, tricks, shams, lies, and slanders. Laus Deo! Whatever may be the result, upon our banner will still be inscribed in ineffaceable characters the motto: no Union with slaveholders!
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
ence whatever in their domestic concerns; and that the very day on which the unhallowed attempt shall be made by the authorities of the Federal Government, we will consider ourselves as driven from the Union (Niles' Register, 30: 171). These words are proof that compensated emancipation had no chance except as a spontaneous Southern movement. The national political power which the Constitution bestowed upon the ruling caste at the South, effectually precluded the thought of such a movement. Clay's scheme in Kentucky, like McDonogh's in Louisiana, consisted in making the slave pay his full market value for freedom, and then betake himself to Africa. will be an excellent preparation for Elihu Burritt. ours. 10. After talking about Cleveland, a retreat to Syracuse will be inevitably regarded, and with some justice, as a confession of weakness. 11. The Convention will attract far more national attention on the comparatively new ground of Cleveland than on the hackneyed ground of S