Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Douglas or search for Douglas in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
urer, told me yesterday that he and others were now satisfied that protection was a fallacy; and that William Appleton had said that his vote could not be had for a change in the present tariff. Mr. Cabot thought the subject would not come up in the next session. Again, September 30:— The field of our national politics is still shrouded in mist. Nobody can clearly discern the future. On the Whig side, Fillmore seems to me the most probable candidate; and on the Democratic side, Douglas. I have never thought Scott's chances good, while Webster's have always seemed insignificant. His course lately has been that of a madman. He declined to participate in any of the recent celebrations, Railroad Jubilee, Sept. 15, 1851. cherishing still a grudge because he was refused the use of Faneuil Hall. The mayor told me that Webster cut him dead, and also Alderman Rogers, when they met in the apartments of the President. The papers—two Hunkers—have hammered me for calling on th<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
te pride, of serving blindly the party; and they were expert in ministering to the fears, the prejudices, the jealousy, and the self-interest of their section. Douglas was even then a favorite candidate of the West for the Presidency. His coarse and unscrupulous mode of appealing to ignorance and prejudice is well illustrated iform custom of the Senate to grant such a privilege. In the debate of August 26, Chase made the point that the usual courtesy was denied Sumner at this time; but Douglas maintained the contrary. and he had been assured by the leaders of the Senate, from the South as well as the North, of a general desire to hear his views on the sin their grand crusade for liberty, equality, and fraternity, and trying to introduce black-skinned, flat-nosed, and woolly-headed senators and representatives. Douglas, without referring to Sumner's speech, set forth briefly the argument in favor of the constitutionality of the Act. Weller of California, formerly of Ohio, disavo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
the principles of the legislation of 1850. Douglas, February 7, added the term void to inoperatire confident steps; and Dixon's amendment and Douglas's second bill were the result of the apathy offect on the author and manager of the plot. Douglas opened the debate on the day assigned with a of freedom. Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 385. Douglas considered Chase rather than Sumner or Sewardg day allowed it without rebuke when given to Douglas. （Pike's First Blows in the Civil War, p. 218.) Douglas in his speech, March 3, treated this description of a Northern man with Southern princiy was divided in the grounds of its support. Douglas and Cass maintained that the people of the ter the territorial legislature to prohibit it. Douglas's measure, carried without unity of argument,othing further would have been heard of it if Douglas had not called it up a few minutes later, andh I did not mention to you, I believe. When Douglas commenced his attack, General Houston cried o[34 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
y reviving, by new measures and harangues, the agitation which they had undertaken to suppress, and pointed to the spirit of resistance in the free States awakened by the aggressions of slavery. This reference to the Northern uprising called up Douglas, who spoke with the audacity which never failed him, and ascribed the Democratic defeats to the secret Know Nothing order. Fessenden, the master of an incisive style, contested Douglas's assumption as to the significance of the elections. BenjDouglas's assumption as to the significance of the elections. Benjamin and Bayard spoke for the South. Butler betrayed the frequency with which he had partaken of his usual refreshment. He was called to order by Sumner for accusing Wade of falsehood; and though the point was then decided in his favor, he was shortly after declared out of order by the chair. The evening had now come, and the chandeliers were lighted. Gillette, the new antislavery senator from Connecticut, who had been waiting for an opportunity to deliver a speech on slavery in the Distric
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
oing to Douglas's seat Several years later Douglas repeated in conversation this charge, which, erved to be. Works, vol. IV. pp. 128-129. Douglas and the slaveholding party had all along singrk Tribune, May 20. According to one report, Douglas was heard to say: There are too many people h,—a subject on which he was a monomaniac. and Douglas. Before entering upon the argument, I muthe Nebraska bill as a swindle, voted for, as Douglas said, by three-fourths of the Senate, he inquspeak of that senator except in kindness. Of Douglas he spoke sharply, pointing defiantly at him aorm of man can be allowed— [hesitation]. Mr. Douglas.—Say it. Mr. Sumner.—I will say it. No p Mr. Sumner.—I did not hear the senator. Mr. Douglas.—I said, if that be the case I would certai and Minden (La.) Herald., treated Butler and Douglas as aggressors, and Sumner as acting in self-dage and manner of senators, particularly from Douglas's expression, Is it his object to provoke us [41 m
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
nd that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. Douglas promptly, at the beginning of the session, took ground against the admission of Kansas under th16, 1858. Greeley and Wilson in their histories are not explicit as to their part in promoting Douglas's pretensions at this time. The American Conflict, vol. i. p. 301; Rise and Fall of the Slave the fact that his term as senator was near its end. Chase wrote Sumner, Jan. 18, 1858, that Douglas was seeking a suspension of hostilities until his re-election became sure. His speeches in the rust and suspicion. Sumner wrote to E. L. Pierce from Washington, April 11, 1858: I know Douglas thoroughly; and I think there cannot be too much caution in trusting him. His whole conduct in isturbed by debates; and he left his seat when they began, going out even on the third day when Douglas opened his controversy with the Administration on the Lecompton question, a speech to which he
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
withdrawal of senators from seceding States. Douglas had rent in twain the Democratic party by hisate; the memorable debate in Illinois between Douglas and Lincoln had taken place, in which, thougican associate; the other members were Mason, Douglas, Slidell, Polk, and Crittenden, with only theed by a caucus of the Democratic senators. Douglas was kept from the Senate by illness on the dators for all but the territorial resolution. Douglas defended at length, May 15 and 16, against Daemocratic party at Charleston on the issue of Douglas's candidacy. Sumner thought the time had cks, vol. v. pp. 309-337. Started by Cass and Douglas as a device for evading the issue in Congressachusetts one hundred and six thousand votes; Douglas, thirty-four thousand; Bell, twenty-two thouse Unionists in the South were divided between Douglas and Bell. In the North the rump of the Whig ousand between the two Democratic candidates, Douglas and Breckinridge. Sumner prepared in the a[6 more...]