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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 109 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 52 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 42 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 34 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 26 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 16 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 8 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 8 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 24, 1861., [Electronic resource] 7 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 7 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Millard Fillmore or search for Millard Fillmore in all documents.

Your search returned 21 results in 7 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
tever action the national Whig convention might take, and in which, as well as in an address to his constituents, he showed signs of wavering, and put the no territory from Mexico issue as a substitute for the Wilmot Proviso, and even put aside the latter as a dangerous question. At Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847. Boston Whig, October 7. A brilliant light went out. He was as a senator a sympathetic spectator of the surrender of the North in 1850, accepted during that period a place in Fillmore's reactionary Cabinet, and ten years later was the foremost compromiser with an incipient rebellion. A brief mission to Mexico closed his public life; and resuming the practice of the law at Washington in the midst of the Civil War, he had no inspirations for the period, and sadly confessed, I am but a tradition. A. P. Russell's Sketch of Thomas Corwin, p 111. He ended as a man of such weak moral fibre is always likely to end. From December, 1846, until 1851, when he entered the Sen
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
phasis that he would do all he could to defeat the candidate. Their protests had an immediate effect on the vote for Vice-President, which resulted in the defeat of Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and the success, by a small majority, of Millard Fillmore, of New York. General Taylor's declarations before his adoption by the convention were so inconsistent with the position of a party leader, in which the nomination would necessarily place him, as to preclude his selection by a party whichhabitants were few and greatly mixed. His scheme of bringing that territory into statehood was premature by half a century. His method is stated in his messages of Dec. 4, 1849, and Jan. 21, 1850. and when by his death the government passed to Fillmore the Vice-President, with Webster, then bitter in his hostility to Northern sentiments, as the head of the new Cabinet, and Clay as the leader of compromise in the Senate, there were no sincerer mourners for the late President than the antislaver
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
nd September in the shape of separate bills. Their success was promoted by the co-operation of Fillmore, who became President on the death of Taylor, July 9. The latter had been an obstruction, as door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a proclamation, directing the army and navy to co-operate in enforcing the is friends his satisfaction that the government had passed into safer hands, into those of President Fillmore, who would give to the Compromise policy that thorough support which his predecessor had n II. p. 464, note. His personal feelings carried him so far, that, as Secretary of State under Fillmore, he withdrew the patronage of his department—the publication of the laws of Congress—from Whig use of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
nditions of Clay's scheme of pacification. It objected to the retention of Taylor's Cabinet by Fillmore, because, Southern as it was, it was an anti-Compromise Cabinet. July 15, 16, and 17, 1850. nator in place of Webster, who on President Taylor's death took office as Secretary of State in Fillmore's Cabinet. The Webster Whigs carried in August with feeble dissent the nomination of Samuel A.rawn by A. H. Bullock, of Worcester, abstained from approval and disapproval, though approving Fillmore's Administration; and their address, from the same hand, while delicately commenting on the Com politics is still shrouded in mist. Nobody can clearly discern the future. On the Whig side, Fillmore seems to me the most probable candidate; and on the Democratic side, Douglas. I have never tho on the occasion of the Railroad Jubilee. Sumner, as already seen, had strongly condemned President Fillmore a year before for approving the Fugitive Slave bill. It is shrewdly surmised that their ra
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
h pro-slavery sentiments. Calhoun had died a senator during the preceding Congress. Webster had passed from the body to Fillmore's Cabinet. Clay was still a senator, but was enfeebled by age and by disease, which had been aggravated by his severe l more than forty at table; dinner French, served à la Russe, heavy, beginning at 6 1/2 o'clock and ending at 9 1/2; miss Fillmore pleasant and attractive, particularly when she spoke of you. Thursday, dinner at F. P. Blair's, about seven miles out ofng; and I thought, and he thought too, that I had been made enough of a martyr of already. and appealed directly to President Fillmore for a pardon, who also, while the examination of the paper was pending, advised against any popular appeal. Miss Dix seconded Sumner's efforts, and his unceasing intercession prevailed. Mr. Fillmore's failure to receive the Whig nomination for President may have aided the petition, it was thought at the time, as his position, if a candidate, might have been
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
, Fowler, Goodrich, and Scudder. The House, April 5, 1852, by a vote of one hundred to sixty-five, declared the Compromise—laying emphasis on the Fugitive Slave Act—to be a final adjustment and permanent settlement. In June, 1852, in conventions held in Baltimore, the Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, whose only conspicuous merit was subserviency to slavery; and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott. The Whig convention, controlled by considerations of availability, set aside Fillmore, who better than any one represented the Compromise, and Webster, who, notwithstanding the eloquent appeals of Rufus Choate, had only a feeble support among the delegates. Both parties in their conventions, in language quite alike, affirmed in their platforms the Compromise to be a final settlement of the slavery question, and declared their purpose to resist any further agitation concerning it. Strangely enough, the Massachusetts delegation, including Henry L. Dawes, since senator, vot
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
Iowa, and Denver of California. The Boston Advertiser, July 16, classified the vote. except John Scott Harrison of Ohio, elected as an American. Three or four Fillmore men (conservative Whigs) and two Northern Democrats voted for the expulsion, and also eight members—who voted against admitting Kansas under the Topeka Constitutlinois, and California; but Massachusetts gave him nearly seventy thousand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame was re-elected by a very small majority over William Appleton, who was supported by the rump of the Whig party, which voted for Fillmore for PresideFillmore for President, and by others who for various reasons were unfriendly to Burlingame. It was thought that the enthusiasm aroused by Sumner's reception turned the scale in his favor. He received a banquet, November 24, in Faneuil Hall, where a letter was read from Sumner. The Legislature was Republican with few exceptions, and Sumner's re-el