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California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ents, of extensive and varied erudition, and who should from their knowledge and experience know much of men and things, engaged in riding this hobby to the extremes to which many of them are going in their grand crusade for liberty, equality, and fraternity, and trying to introduce black-skinned, flat-nosed, and woolly-headed senators and representatives. Douglas, without referring to Sumner's speech, set forth briefly the argument in favor of the constitutionality of the Act. Weller of California, formerly of Ohio, disavowed all sympathy with the Abolitionists, condemned the speech as inflammatory, and indirectly, at least, counselling forcible resistance; and he held its author personally responsible for the blood of persons killed in its execution. He said, however, in a rather pleasant way, that it was the first Abolition speech he had ever listened to, and added: I did not know that it was possible that I could endure a speech for over three hours upon the subject of the aboli
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
maintained in his speech for the bill as his principal point the novel argument that the States in which the public lands lie have an equitable claim to peculiar consideration from the national government, arising from the fact that while they are so held, and for some time after a sale, they are exempt from State or municipal taxation. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852. Works, vol. III. pp. 12-42. Senators from the West and Southwest— Fetch of Michigan, Geyer of Missouri, and Downs of Louisiana —were grateful for co-operation from an unexpected quarter, and expressed in debate their appreciation of his timely assistance. The favor shown to Sumner by senators from the Southwest was noted as an evidence of the return of good feeling between the sections. T. m. Brewer in the Boston Atlas, Feb. 5, 1852. Two senators who led the opposition were not at all complimentary in their replies. Hunter of Virginia referred to the senator's most delightful idyl, and Underwood of Kentucky i
Niagara County (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
free Commonwealth, I protest against this wrong. On slavery, as on every other subject, I claim the right to be heard. That right I cannot, I will not, abandon Of the attempt to suppress discussion he said:— Sir, this effort is impotent as tyrannical. Convictions of the heart cannot be repressed; utterances of conscience must be heard: they break forth with irrepressible might. As well attempt to check the tides of ocean, the currents of the Mississippi, or the rushing waters of Niagara. The discussion of slavery will proceed wherever two or three are gathered together,—by the fireside, on the highway, at the public meeting, in the church. The movement against slavery is from the Everlasting Arm. Even now it is gathering its forces, soon to be confessed everywhere. It may not be felt yet in the high places of office and power; but all who can put their ears humbly to the ground will hear and comprehend its incessant and advancing tread. So much had been said by slav
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
e reported a list of senators which allowed only two classes, and placed Sumner with the Whigs. He had only two political associates,—Chase of Ohio and Hale of New Hampshire; the former chosen by a combination of Free Soilers and Democrats, and the latter by a combination of antislavery men and Whigs. From John Davis, his own collclosed. He reached his seat, however, just as the call of the roll began; and rising, again went behind the Vice-President's chair. Foot of Vermont, Norris of New Hampshire, Dodge of Wisconsin, and, most marked of all, Seward Sumner says, in a note to his Works (vol. III. p. 93), Seward was absent, probably constrained by his uch that John Van Buren has gone into this campaign. If he could not oppose Baltimore he should have been silent. Even Weller, with whom has been speaking in New Hampshire, says he ought to have gone to Europe. My admiration and attachment for him have been sincere, and in the most friendly spirit I regret his course. Pardon th
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
e my heart overflow. I thank you both. They will cheer, comfort, and strengthen me in duties where there are many difficulties and great responsibilities. For myself, I do not desire public life; I have neither taste nor ambition for it; but Providence has marked out my career, and I follow. Many will criticise and malign; but I shall persevere. . . . Good-by. With constant love to mother and yourself, Charles. dearest Longfellow,—I could not speak to you as we parted,—my soul was too ve gone to Europe. My admiration and attachment for him have been sincere, and in the most friendly spirit I regret his course. Pardon this freedom. We are now in the hurly-burly of a last day; the pressure is immense. To Dr. I. Ray, Providence, R. I., September 21:— You are right in supposing that I foresaw the difficulties of State action under that clause of the Constitution. But my special aim in the Senate was to beat down the existing Act and assumption of power, knowing ful<
Huntsville (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
, entirely impregnable. The two senators, Clemens and Badger, who violated the proprieties of the Senate in their rebukes of Sumner, lived to regard him in a different light. The former, in a letter to Sumner, Nov. 21, 1864, marked private, and written from Philadelphia, avowed himself a Unionist, and stated his purpose to live in the North, occupied with literary pursuits, unless he returned to Alabama for the purpose of restoring that State to the Union. Six months later he died at Huntsville. Badger was nominated at the next session after Sumner's speech as a justice of the Supreme Court, and to his surprise found Sumner supporting his confirmation by voice as well as vote. After his rejection by the Senate for political reasons, he wrote to Sumner a letter, Feb. 11, 1853, acknowledging that he was the only senator who had any reason to entertain feelings of unkindness towards himself, regretting the expressions he had indulged in during the debate of the previous session, d
Kossuth (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
parture from the policy of peaceful neutrality inherited from Washington. In the same passage he implied a criticism of Kossuth's contention that our policy of noninterference, rightly applied to a new state of things, imposed the duty of resistin come from the sympathy of the masses, particularly in the West, with the European struggle for liberty, now awakened by Kossuth's eloquence. Henry Wilson entered warmly into his mission. He was untaught in public law, and beyond the slavery questreturned home, at the end of the session, the Hungarian question had ceased to be a prominent one in the public mind. Kossuth's reception led to the introduction in the Senate of resolutions on the question of intervention. Several set speeches have not time now to say more. Again, April 26:— If you are conscious that you can speak an effective word for Kossuth's Hungarian career, I should regret not to have it done, though I commend you to the prudence of careful preparation. B
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
lands still retained by the government, he maintained in his speech for the bill as his principal point the novel argument that the States in which the public lands lie have an equitable claim to peculiar consideration from the national government, arising from the fact that while they are so held, and for some time after a sale, they are exempt from State or municipal taxation. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852. Works, vol. III. pp. 12-42. Senators from the West and Southwest— Fetch of Michigan, Geyer of Missouri, and Downs of Louisiana —were grateful for co-operation from an unexpected quarter, and expressed in debate their appreciation of his timely assistance. The favor shown to Sumner by senators from the Southwest was noted as an evidence of the return of good feeling between the sections. T. m. Brewer in the Boston Atlas, Feb. 5, 1852. Two senators who led the opposition were not at all complimentary in their replies. Hunter of Virginia referred to the senator's most de
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 8
ng was a departure from our traditional policy of non-intervention in European affairs. It was urged that he had openly declared his purpose to seek the intervention of this country in resisting the intervention of Russia in the contest between Austria and Hungary; and had in his speeches signified his purpose, if repelled by the government, to appeal from the government to the people. While the resolution was supported without respect to party or sectional divisions, its only earnest opponenose of Cass, Seward, and Soule. Sumner thought at one time of engaging in the debate, but his attention to other matters of more practical interest prevented. It was well that our government refrained from interposing in the struggle between Austria and Hungary, and making a precedent which might have been turned against us in our Civil War. Sumner reported in the Senate, Feb. 28, 1863, resolutions against foreign intervention in the Rebellion. Works, vol. VII. pp. 307-312. He wrote to Jo
Nahant (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
end. He wrote, February 2, 1852:— Great accounts come floating here of your triumphant success in Washington, social and otherwise. In all that raises you, if such success can, none finds less surprise or more pleasure than Yours most truly, Wendell Phillips. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote, Dec. 11, 1851:— Your kind reception at Washington is not attributable, sure enough, to the influence of our Boston oligarchy; but their power does not extend much beyond the pavements and Nahant. They are bigoted without being fanatical. Sumner wrote to Longfellow, December 9:— Shields is now speaking. Everybody has treated me with cordial kindness. Clay, I think, has upon him the inexorable hand. He has not been in his seat since the first day. Seward is a very remarkable man; Berrien, a very effective speaker. I have been pressed by work and care very much, and sigh for some of those sweet hours which we have had and I have lost. Again, December 28:— I fe
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