Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for William Lloyd Garrison or search for William Lloyd Garrison in all documents.

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e South to have no more emancipation. Let them continue in bondage as they now exist, as the best condition of both races. moral culture, and social well-being — the idea of liberating individuals or families from this subjugation, and sending them from peaceful, plentiful, and prosperous America to benighted, barbarous, and inhospitable Africa, became, in this view, a transparent absurdity. No disciple of Calhoun could be a logical, consistent colonizationist, any more than a follower of Garrison and Wendell Phillips. The constantly and widely diverging currents of American opinion soon left the Colonization movement hopelessly stranded. The teachings of the new Southern school tended palpably toward the extirpation from the South of the free-negro anomaly, through reenslavement rather than exile. Legislative efforts to decree a general sale of free negroes into absolute slavery were made in several States, barely defeated in two or three, and fully successful in one. Arkansas, i
ion Slave-holders condemn Slavery Virginia Benjamin Lundy Wm. Lloyd Garrison. the General Congress which convened at Philadelphia in 17nists, but made the acquaintance, at his boarding-house, of William Lloyd Garrison, a fellow-boarder, whose attention had not previously been nsed from the Life of Benjamin Lundy, by Thomas Earle. William Lloyd Garrison, born in obscurity and indigence, at Newburyport, Massachusen defeated, its publication was soon afterward discontinued. Mr. Garrison was, about this time, visited by Lundy, and induced to join him timore, receiving, at one election, more than nine hundred votes. Garrison, in his first issue, insisted on immediate and unconditional Emanced by Henry Clay. Separating himself from Lundy and The Genius, Mr. Garrison now proposed the publication of an anti-Slavery organ in Washingm with the disunion of Wendell Phillips, the radicalism of Henry C. Wright, and the infidelity of Pillsbury, Theodore Parker, and Garrison.
excuse, the un-Orthodox, irreverent, and infidel tendencies which have been so freely, and not always unreasonably, ascribed to the apostles of Abolition. These have justly felt that the organized and recognized religion of the country has not treated their cause as it deserved and as they had a right to expect. The pioneers of modern Abolition were almost uniformly devout, pious, church-nurtured men, who, at the outset of their enterprise, took the cause of the slave Witness Lundy and Garrison at Boston, 1828. to the Clergy and the Church, with undoubting faith that it would there be recognized and by them adopted as the cause of vital Christianity. Speaking generally, they were repulsed and resisted, quite as much to their astonishment as their mortification; and the resulting estrangement and hostility were proportioned to the fullness of their trust, the bitterness of their disappointment. Alas! they had been friends in youth; But whispering tongues can poison truth, And
the most eminent clergyman in New England, appeared among the champions of Free Speech. Professor Follen concluded, and was followed by Samuel E. Sewall, William Lloyd Garrison, and William Goodell — the last-named stigmatizing the demand of the South and its backers as an assault on the liberties of the North. Mr. Bond, a Bostotable mob, composed in good part of merchants, assailed a meeting of the Female Anti-Slavery Society, while its President was at prayer, and dispersed it. William Lloyd Garrison, having escaped, was found concealed in a cabinet-marker's shop, seized and dragged through the streets with a rope around his body, threatened with tar af you want to oppose Slavery, why do n't you go where it is? has been triumphantly asked many thousands of times. Mr. Love-joy did exactly this — as Lundy, and Garrison, and many others had done before him — and only left a Slave for a Free State when such removal was imperatively demanded. Why do n't you keep clear of the fana<
itical action against it. But he was too earnest a man, and too devout a Christian, to rest satisfied with the only action against Slavery consistent with one's duty as a citizen, according to the usual Republican interpretation of the Federal Constitution. It teaches that we must content ourselves with resisting the extension of Slavery. Where the Republicans said, Halt! John Brown shouted, Forward! To the rescue! He was an Abolitionist of the Bunker Hill school. He followed neither Garrison nor Seward, Gerrit Smith nor Wendell Phillips; but the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence, in the spirit of the Hebrew warriors, and in the God-applauded mode that they adopted, The Bible story of Gideon, records a man who betrayed him, had manifestly a great influence on his actions. He believed in human brotherhood and in the God of Battles; he admired Nat Turner, the negro patriot, equally with George Washington, the white American deliverer. He could not see that it was
Xxviii. Fort Sumter. Hesitation futile negotiations attempt to provision order to open fire bombardment commenced fire returned Interior of the fort in flames Wigfall's volunteer embassy Anderson surrenders Garrison leaves for New York Dixie jubilant. whether the hesitation of the Executive to reinforce Fort Sumter was real or only apparent, the reserve evinced with regard to his intentions was abundantly justified. The President, in his Inaugural Address, had kindly and explicitly set forth his conception of the duties and responsibilities assumed in taking his oath of office. No man of decent understanding who can read our language had any reason or right to doubt, after hearing or perusing that document, that he fully purposed, to the extent of his ability, to maintain the authority and enforce the laws of the Union on every acre of the geographical area of our country. Hence, secessionists in Washington, as well as South of that city, uniformly denounced t
orts in favor of slave-holding in Indiana Territory, 52. Garrard, Col., in command at Wildcat, 615. Garrett, J. W., President of B. and Ohio Railroad; his dispatch to the Baltimore authorities, 465; 466. Garrisonians, the, 116; 117. Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, 114; sketch of his life, 115 to 117; allusion to, 121; 125; 127; 141. Gasconade Bridge, Mo., burnt by Rebels, 491. Gaston, Judge Wm., of N. C., his opinion applied in the Dred Scott case, 261. Gates, Gen., emancipates his sl; her territorial claims. 37; cedes her territory, 50; in connection with the Cotton Gin, 63 to 65; Gov. Troup sympathizes with the Nullifiers, 100; her perfidious treatment of the Indians, 102 to 106; 108; she offers a reward for the arrest of Garrison, 122; withdraws from the Democratic Convention, 315; Mr. Gaulden protests, 316; Secession meeting in, 330; Military Convention at Milledgeville, 387; Stephens's Union speech, 342 to 844; her appeal for delay kept secret in the South Carolina Con