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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
ould one day call the slave-roll on Bunker Hill—And why should the menace seem so unmeaning? Had not Boston seen William Lloyd Garrison, the chief apostle of freedom, dragged through her streets with a halter about his neck, within sight of that colliant and admired of her own long-descended aristocrats! What could not be tolerated, even in so plebeian a fanatic as Garrison, no longer than a rope could be thrown to a howling mob, rose when coming from the lips of the eloquent and travelled yohe Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and had fully made known his hostility to slavery. But he differed widely with Mr. Garrison, who cast off all allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, on the ground that it sanctioned slavery; whilenti-slavery men were still looked upon as fanatical, and generally, as hostile to the Constitution; many of them, like Mr. Garrison, regarding it as the chief impediment, not only to emancipation, but to the spread of slavery itself. Much had been d
er soil then free, and claiming its inhuman jurisdiction over every Northern hearth-stone. It unblushingly boasted that it would one day call the slave-roll on Bunker Hill—And why should the menace seem so unmeaning? Had not Boston seen William Lloyd Garrison, the chief apostle of freedom, dragged through her streets with a halter about his neck, within sight of that column of Liberty, with scarce a protest from her opulent and polite citizens? Had not the Governor and Legislature of Georgia gainst the slaveholding States? And to inflame the indignity, these insulting words had been uttered by one of the most brilliant and admired of her own long-descended aristocrats! What could not be tolerated, even in so plebeian a fanatic as Garrison, no longer than a rope could be thrown to a howling mob, rose when coming from the lips of the eloquent and travelled young patrician, the most atrocious blasphemy against God and the Constitution! And yet his great theme was The True Grandeur
III. Although Mr. Sumner had not yet taken any prominent part in the anti-slavery movement, of which Boston was the chief centre, yet, as early as 1838 he had become a member of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and had fully made known his hostility to slavery. But he differed widely with Mr. Garrison, who cast off all allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, on the ground that it sanctioned slavery; while Mr. Sumner was determined to fight the battle inside of the Constitution; declaring, in the most unqualified terms, that this sacred instrument was hostile to slavery in all respects —that it was established in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, which he regarded as the charter of perpetual liberty to the nation. He insisted that while the Constitution did recognize the existence of involuntary servitude, and conceded temporarily certain privileges to slaveholders, yet, that the founders of the Instrument had no belief in the perpetuity of slave
same spirit, to tread in the steps of his father, and in all quarters the roused spirit of insulted American liberty was no longer to cower back from the presence of her foes. But there was yet lacking, as there always is in such reforms, a practical plan of operations, to give effect to the efforts of the friends of freedom. By the great majority of them, the radical Anti-slavery men were still looked upon as fanatical, and generally, as hostile to the Constitution; many of them, like Mr. Garrison, regarding it as the chief impediment, not only to emancipation, but to the spread of slavery itself. Much had been done at Buffalo by the enunciations made in the Platform, and the nomination of candidates pledged to resist the further encroachments of slavery; and around them a large body of voters had gathered at the ballot-box. But the great mass of the people had yet no clear idea of any practical plan of operations, that could be carried out without open war upon the Constitution.
bscure building, was insulted and then driven out of doors by a frantic crowd, politely termed at the time an assemblage of gentlemen of property and standing, which, after various deeds of violence and vileness, next directed itself upon William Lloyd Garrison,—known as the determined editor of the Liberator, and the originator of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, untircle, sect, or party, but the cause of the slave, in all its forms and degrees, and under all its names,—whether inspired by the pulpit, the press, the economist, or the politician,—whether in the early, persistent, and comprehensive demands of Garrison, the gentler utterances of Channing, or the strictly constitutional endeavors of others now actually sharing the public councils of the country. To carry through this review, under its different heads, I shall not hesitate to meet the objectio
The small companies, gathered together in the name of Freedom, were interrupted and often dispersed by riotous mobs. At Boston, a feeble association of women, called the Female Anti-Slavery Society, convened in a small room of an upper story in an obscure building, was insulted and then driven out of doors by a frantic crowd, politely termed at the time an assemblage of gentlemen of property and standing, which, after various deeds of violence and vileness, next directed itself upon William Lloyd Garrison,—known as the determined editor of the Liberator, and the originator of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise in our day,—then ruthlessly tearing him away, amidst savage threats and with a halter about his neck, dragged him through the streets, until, at last, guilty only of loving liberty, if not wisely, too well, this unoffending citizen was thrust into the common jail for protection against an infuriated populace. Nor was Boston alone. Even villages, in remote rural solitude, belched fort
Xxvii. My subject will be the necessity, Practicability, and dignity of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise, with Glimpses at the special duties of the North. By this enterprise I do not mean the efforts of any restricted circle, sect, or party, but the cause of the slave, in all its forms and degrees, and under all its names,—whether inspired by the pulpit, the press, the economist, or the politician,—whether in the early, persistent, and comprehensive demands of Garrison, the gentler utterances of Channing, or the strictly constitutional endeavors of others now actually sharing the public councils of the country. To carry through this review, under its different heads, I shall not hesitate to meet the objections which have been urged against it, so far at least as I am aware of them. And now, as I speak to you seriously, I venture to ask your serious attention even to the end. Not easily can a public address reach that highest completeness which is found in mingling the useful and t
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
For goodness dares not check thee! Mr. Sumner was bitterly assailed by all the Pro-Slavery journals of the North, for having, as was alleged, even in the burial-service of the dead, mingled his sectional hate and personal wrath. But William Lloyd Garrison, in alluding to this, well said: When there is howling in the pit, there is special rejoicing in heaven. Xx. Nearly ten years before, when Mr. Sumner first entered the Senate, he had presented a Resolution for a Revision and Consofor the occasion by Wm. Beattie, M. D., the gifted and well-known author of Scotland Illustrated, etc. I do not know if it has been published. I remember some of the stanzas. It is an address from England's Poets to the Poets of America. Your Garrison has faun'd the flame, Child, Chapman, Pierpont, caught the fire, And, roused at Freedom's hallow'd name, Hark! Bryant, Whittier, strike the lyre; While here hearts myriad trumpet-toned, Montgomery, Cowper, Campbell, Moore, To Freedom's glo
s only a name, and nothing else, unless we resolve calmly, plainly, solemnly, that Slavery, the barbarous enemy of our country, the irreconcilable foe of our Union, the violator of our Constitution, the disturber of our peace, the vampire of our national life, the assassin of our children, and the murderer of our dead Senator, shall be struck down. And the way is easy. The just avenger is at hand, with weapon of celestial temper: let it be drawn. Until this is done, the patriot, discerning clearly the secret of our weakness, can only say, sorrowfully— Bleed, bleed, poor country! Great tyranny, lay thou thy basis sure, For goodness dares not check thee! Mr. Sumner was bitterly assailed by all the Pro-Slavery journals of the North, for having, as was alleged, even in the burial-service of the dead, mingled his sectional hate and personal wrath. But William Lloyd Garrison, in alluding to this, well said: When there is howling in the pit, there is special rejoicing in heaven.
, in fine taste. One occasion I recall with the highest pleasure, which, although ostensibly an anti-slavery dinner, was limited chiefly in its company to the literary men of London. Among the good things of that evening was a short poem written for the occasion by Wm. Beattie, M. D., the gifted and well-known author of Scotland Illustrated, etc. I do not know if it has been published. I remember some of the stanzas. It is an address from England's Poets to the Poets of America. Your Garrison has faun'd the flame, Child, Chapman, Pierpont, caught the fire, And, roused at Freedom's hallow'd name, Hark! Bryant, Whittier, strike the lyre; While here hearts myriad trumpet-toned, Montgomery, Cowper, Campbell, Moore, To Freedom's glorious cause respond, In sounds which thrill through every core. Their voice has conjured up a power No fears can daunt, no foes arrest, Which gathers strength with every hour And strikes a chord in every breast,— A power that soon in every land—