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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 116 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 36 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 13 1 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 12 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 12 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 10 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4 10 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career. 10 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 8 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Joshua R. Giddings or search for Joshua R. Giddings in all documents.

Your search returned 18 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
In the Senate, Calhoun led the furious Southern clamor for reparation or war (Lib. 11: 211; 12: 10). In the House, Joshua R. Giddings stood for the North in manly resolutions denying any offence against the laws of the United States on the part of tn to a treasonable view of the subject, as Caleb Cushing called it, nearly led to summary violence being executed upon Mr. Giddings by Southern colleagues. Without allowing him to be heard in self-defence, the House incontinently censured him by a vs seat, successfully appealing to his constituents for a reflection (Lib. 12: 69, 75; and pp. 117-124 of Buell's Life of Giddings ). J. Q. Adams would have voted against Giddings's first and second resolutions, allowing the slave States an exclusiveGiddings's first and second resolutions, allowing the slave States an exclusive control over slavery in their own borders. He affirmed once more the power of the general government to abolish slavery in case of insurrection or civil war (Lib. 12: 85, and ante, 2: 75). A month after the date of the above letter, Mr. Garriso
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.1843. (search)
s a dozen years before (ante, 1: 264). and these were presented to Congress–in the House by the elder Adams, and not Lib. 13.206; 14.21, 27. received. In the Senate they were received with reluctance, and leave to print was refused. King of Alabama Lib. 14.38. termed them a proposition to dissolve the Union, and Lib. 14.21, 27. so did the General Assembly of Virginia in a counter memorial, which was promptly printed by the Senate. Lib. 14.42. John Quincy Adams, in conjunction with Giddings, Slade, Gates, Borden, and Hiland Hall, had, earlier in the year, issued an address to the people of the free States, Lib. 13.78. warning them that an attempt would be made at the next session of Congress to annex Texas. The real design and object of the South, they declared, is to add new weight to her end of the lever. . . . We hesitate not to say that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Government or any of its departments, would be identical with dissolution—a
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!1844. (search)
. L. G. Lib. 14.81; cf. 17.14. precious paper, the Boston Morning Chronicle (a short-lived adjunct of the Emancipator), refused to pledge himself or the Liberty Party to any such course. As a politician who preferred the election of a Democratic President on an annexation platform to that of a Whig, Lib. 14.142. he argued that annexation would do nothing to perpetuate slavery. Whatever may be thought of this editor's perspicacity, his position was, morally, quite as defensible as that of Giddings, Slade, and the Adamses, or of Ante, pp. 93, 61. Channing, or again of the latter's Unitarian confrere, the Rev. Orville Dewey. This divine was at great pains to draw what Mr. Garrison termed a profligate distinction between Lib. 14.162. recognizing slavery as it already existed, and legalizing it anew by extension of the slave territory. Compare, in another denomination, this extract from a Phi Beta Kappa Address at Wesleyan College in 1850, by the Rev. D. D. Whedon: Nor may you marv
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
concourse, among Aug. 18. them some of the choicest friends of our cause in the land— ay, and choicest women, too. Messrs. Giddings and Tilden, Joshua R. Giddings. Daniel R. Tilden. members of Congress, who have nobly battled for freedom in that bJoshua R. Giddings. Daniel R. Tilden. members of Congress, who have nobly battled for freedom in that body, were also present. After the organization of the meeting, a poetical welcome to Douglass, Foster, and myself, Lib. 17.176. written by Benjamin S. Jones, was sung with exquisite taste and feeling by a choir, causing many eyes to be moistened wtion was the principal topic of discussion, the speakers being Douglass, Foster, and myself, in favor of Disunion, and Mr. Giddings against it. Mr. G. exhibited the utmost kindness and generosity towards us, and alluded to me in very handsome terms, ery, his claims fell far short of those of many a Lib. 18.18. Whig—for example, of Giddings. Birney's claims, too, J. R. Giddings. whether for perpetual nomination, or for incense, or (now that he was physically disabled) for sympathy, Lib. 17.18
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
9. Meanwhile, a great mass convention on the same lines was held at Worcester, Mass., on June 28, under the Lib. 18.106. presidency of Samuel Hoar and leadership of Stephen C. Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib. 18.94, 98, 102. against the action of their partuestion, had vastly assisted their labors in moulding public sentiment. Their preeminent ally in that arena, John Quincy Adams, had, indeed, Feb. 23, 1848; Lib. 18.35, 40. been taken away by death; but his place had been more than made good by Giddings, Palfrey, and Hale, as could be measured by their action to rid the District of slavery Lib. 18.69, 73, 77, 119, 202, 206. and the slave-trade. Mr. Garrison might well have left on record his deliberate judgment of the ex-President, but he cho
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
is snuff; but his vivacity, brilliancy, and variety of accomplishment in private life Thompson was a great mimic, and practised parlor magic. charm every one that has the good luck to get near him. He is a universal idol. His project of lecturing on general topics would, in my opinion, have been a failure even had no disturbance intervened As at Springfield, Mass., at the instigation of the Republican on Feb. 17, 18 (Lib. 21: 31, 35, 41, 46, 49). In the House of Representatives, Joshua R. Giddings asked but was refused leave to introduce a resolution inquiring of the President whether a subject of the British crown, and also a member of Parliament, had been recently insulted in Springfield and his personal liberty endangered, in violation of treaty stipulations (Lib. 21: 34). to prevent it. Your English mode of lecture is so totally different from ours that, lacking the impetus of being abused, he would have got on but poorly in his voyage. As it is, he has delivered his India
lly came to an end, as a national organization, in the year 1848 in which it was formed. There was little disposition to revive it in 1852, and to go through the form of a separate ticket which had not the ghost of a chance of succeeding. Both Giddings and Lib. 22.113. Sumner felt that another four years must pass before anything could be achieved. When a Convention at Pittsburgh was talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if t itself both Free Soil and the remnant of independent Liberty Party elements. Henry Wilson presided. Frederick Douglass, on motion of Lewis Tappan, was made one of the secretaries. Charles Francis Adams, Gerrit Smith, F. J. Le Moyne, and Joshua R. Giddings took a leading part. The platform declared for no more slave States, no slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves Lib. 22.134. —which last was to be relegated to the States; Acco
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
, with equal pity and disgust, threats of disunion in the free States and similar threats in the slaveholding States. Well did Gerrit Smith write to Ms. July 18, 1854. Mr. Garrison: I have acquired no new hope of the peaceful termination of slavery by coming to Washington. I go home more discouraged than ever. Mr. Smith had been elected to Congress in the fall of 1852 (Lib. 22: 163, [182]). He was now going home for good, having resigned on account of his health. Giddings, Chase, J. R. Giddings. S. P. Chase. etc. are full of hope, but I am yet to see that there is a North. Well did Lysander Spooner write to the editor Feb. 13, 1854; Lib. 24.30. of the Commonwealth, refusing to be a delegate to an Anti-Nebraska Bill Convention in Faneuil Hall: I trust you will allow me space to say, that I decline the Lib. 24.31. appointment; that I have never been a member of the Free Soil Party ; that I have never adopted its absurd and contradictory motto, Freedom National, Slavery S
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
my rights. Amasa Walker Lib. 27.14. saw clearly enough that slavery and freedom are absolute and irreconcilable antagonisms, that cannot by any human possibility co-exist, but his disunionism was confined to the non-extension of slavery. Joshua R. Giddings wrote that the South had notoriously for thirty years cherished the hope of forming a Confederacy: Editors and politicians now announce their determination to secede from the Union as soon as the Republicans shall obtain control of the g magazines of powder and military supplies, strengthening their defences, organizing and disciplining their militia, and forming associations and combinations to effect a separation from our free States. Lib. 27.14. In spite of all this, Mr. Giddings was for holding on to Lib. 27.14. the Union as it now is (i. e., with indefinite possible encroachments to strengthen the Slave Power so long as CH. XVII. 1857 its policy was to postpone secession), believing that the Union could be wielde