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to confiscation. Mr. Garnett said that his object in calling up this ordinance was to provide suitable penalties for traitors who may presume to represent Virginia in any body or House at war with this State. Mr. John Tyler desired an exception to be made in favor of Col. M. M. Payne, now an invalid in this city, from wounds received in the Mexican war. Mr. Garnett, so far from excepting Colonel Payne, would rather be disposed to include him by name, because he has recently taken Lincoln's oath of office, or must do so before he receives his salary. The ordinance was then amended, so as to make it operative only after the first of August next. Mr. R. E. Scott, of Fauquier, opposed the ordinance, deeming it unnecessary and uncalled for. Mr. Garnett rejoined with great ability and power. The question then came up on the indefinite postponement of the ordinance and amendment. Refused. The substitute provides that the acceptance or holding of office by any citizen o
ess a despot because he retains the name of President. If South Carolina were to prefer a monarchy, it would probably be a constitutional monarchy, which would at all events be an improvement upon the unlimited monarchy of King Mob and his Lieutenant Lincoln, by whom the whole North is now ruled with a rod of iron. It requires no prophet to predict that the North is already ripe for a King, and that to that complexion they must come at last. The ductility with which they yield to the extraordinary usurpations of Lincoln, their disregard of all law, the perfect recklessness with which in disregarding the constitutional rights of others, they set a fatal precedent for the future sacrifice of their own, demonstrate that they are not capable of self-government and not fit for freedom. If the South ever becomes monarchical, it will be some centuries after the North has set the example. The crowded population of the Northern States, and their heterogeneous character, will render ne
be butchered." The first and second resolutions recommend Congress, therefore, to call together a National Convention, and ask that the unconstitutional army of Mr. Lincoln shall refrain from further acts of violence, "until Congress shall have time to act in the premises." The third and fourth of the series, read as follows: s how complete and entire the peace reaction must ere long become. The Journal of Commerce, of this city, which was frightened for a while into connivance with Mr. Lincoln's measures, has once more taken a stand in favor of peace, and such earnest advocates of brute force as the Philadelphia North American are compelled to admit t us. The North have 100,000 troops already in the field; and 200,000 more are believed to be indispensable for the accomplishment of the objects laid down in President Lincoln's proclamation of of the 15th of April. The expenses of Government are over $20,000,000 a month, and in three weeks they will be doubled. A national debt of
Ominous for Lincoln. --A splendid company of horsemen rode past the Dispatch office yesterday, the color-bearer carrying a black flag, with the inscription "Texas Rangers" and a death's head, symbolical of the work they come to perform on the desecraters of our soil.
A Scrap of history. --The language as well as the spirit of the North, in the present war, seems to be borrowed from that of the British invaders during the war of independence.--Lord Cornwallis issued, in 1780, in regard to the State of South Carolina, which was then assumed to be a British "province," as it is now deemed to be a province of Lincoln's empire, the following order. It sounds like an editorial in some New York paper in 1861, and in the very vein of the champion of Northern supremacy: "I have given orders that all the inhabitants of this province, who have subscribed and taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigor; and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned, and their whole property taken from them and destroyed. I have also ordered that compensation should be made out of their estates to the persons who have been injured and oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most positive manner, that every militia
but forbids all her subjects, whether in military or civil life, from taking up arms in the American contest. We are not surprised; however, that a despetic military power like Prussia should sympathize with a military despotism like that which Lincoln is endeavoring to establish in America, and it may be that the system of white slavery, which, under the name of free labor, is endeavoring to force African slavery from every portion of this continent where Europeans can be substituted, has somovernment, as it unquestionably has with the compact and enthusiastic support given by Germans in all the free States to the present war. Whatever the motive, we have no apprehensions of these military adventurers — these Dugald Dalgetty's--whom Lincoln is importing from Europe to lead his Hessians against the Southern States. Prussia ought to know by her own history the power of a patriotic people to defend their own firesides against the greatest odds, and if she does not know it, her deputi
Tennessee. A citizen of Polk county, Tennessee, communicates, through the columns of the Dispatch, some interesting neighborhood news to the volunteers from that county, selecting this medium because the officials of the Lincoln Post Office (not yet abated as a nuisance in the county) send all letters addressed to the soldiers of the Confederate army to the dead-letter office, at Washington. It is quite refreshing to read so unsophisticated a relation of home news in the columns of a newspaper. But what an admirable example we have in the simple statement of the letter: "The young ladies of our county, many of them, have been working in the corn and wheat fields, and say, 'as long as they (the volunteers) stay to fight, we will make them something to eat!' Wheat noble women they are! Can they ever be other than the wives and the mothers of freemen? No — never!
while it will generally excite only indignation. Upon this the Journal of Commerce thus comments: The Republican may, perhaps, recall the words of President Lincoln's Inaugural message, in which he says:"Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always. And when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you." The position taken by President Lincoln, then, is the same which the opponents of civil war now hold, and have ever held. It is to save this "loss without gain" that they prefer to do now that which must be done eventually, viz: Settle thife and contention with them in or out of the Union. It is significant of the phrensies impetuosity which now controls our action, that the suggestion of President Lincoln (quoted above) has neither weight nor consideration in the Cabinet councils nor in the minds of the people. Whenever reason resumes her sway, the work of ne
The Thirteenth of June. A patriotic and intelligent correspondent calls attention to the remarkable fact that the day recently set apart for fasting, humiliation and prayer, was the natal day of Gen. Scott, he having been born on the 13th June, 1785. He asks if it was so ordered by design that the national observances alluded to should take place on that day, or was it accidental? It was entirely accidental, and therefore what he terms "Providential." In that case, he suggests that it is "ominous for Gen. Scott and his party." The fact, if he has been reminded of it, no doubt, startled the commander of Lincoln's myrmidons, and caused the pay for which he has sold his mother Virginia, to burn his hands, as did the thirty pieces those of Judas Iscariot.