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American principle, but was now recognized both in England and France. He then called attention to the language of the Declaration of Independence and the Virginia Bill of Rights, where the principle was distinctly affirmed. The report was further intended to deny to the Government at Washington any right, in any way, forcible or otherwise, to decide the question of the secession of the States. It affirms that it is not granted by the Constitution. It was somewhat remarkable that Mr. Lincoln, while he admits that he has no power to deal with the question peaceably, should contend for the right of dealing with it forcibly. This alone would present the question in an extraordinary form — that he has no power to make peace, but has the right to make war. On this point Mr. Conrad made a constitutional argument, and spoke of the ingeniously devised bill in Congress for the collection of revenue outside of the ports of entry; but this bill, he said, was directly in contradiction o
ion was gone--seven States had gone — the proudest and most precious of the Confederacy — had consolidated themselves against Black Republicanism.-- He alluded to Lincoln as a misshapen ape, now occupying the pedestal where once stood the great Washington. Gen. Scott was spoken of as an apostate chieftain, in command of troops occunal separation, and never would the spirit of Liberty again find shelter in the corrupt mass that remains. The Southern States would never come back, even though Lincoln and Hamlin are to abdicate, and give the South a carte, blanche for all that she could take. He said this by authority.-- Whether Virginia sides with them or notler, and made allusions of a somewhat different nature to Summers and Rives. The "waiting" policy of Virginia was also descanted upon with sarcastic severity, and Lincoln's Inaugural address came in for a sharp criticism.--The "submissionists" of the Virginia Convention were rebuked by the speaker in scathing terms. He accused the
Lincoln's hat --One of the Representatives of Ohio in Congress reports an interesting and rather amusing incident of the Inauguration, which the Cincinnati Commercial thus records: On approaching the platform where he was to take his oath and be inducted into the office of Chief Executive, Mr. Lincoln removed his hat and held it in his hand, as he took the seat assigned him. The article seemed to be a burden. He changed it awkwardly from one to another, and finally, despairing of fMr. Lincoln removed his hat and held it in his hand, as he took the seat assigned him. The article seemed to be a burden. He changed it awkwardly from one to another, and finally, despairing of finding for it any other easy position, deposited it upon the platform beside him. Senators and Judges crowded him, and to make room for them, he removed nearer to the front of the stage, carrying his tile with him. Again it was dandled uneasily, and, as Senator Baker approached to introduce him to the audience, he made a motion as if to replace the tile on the stage under the seat, when Douglas, who had been looking on quietly, and apparently with some apprehensions of a catastrophe to the hat,
The Daily Dispatch: March 16, 1861., [Electronic resource], Kentuckian from a New York point of view. (search)
Kentuckian from a New York point of view. --A correspondent of the New York World, who came to Cincinnati to witness the reception of Mr. Lincoln, writes to that paper as follows: A large number of Kentuckian are here.--Those whom I have seen are conspicuous for their reticence and their length. I am of the opinion that Kentuckian, as a general rule, should not leave home in one piece. In communities where the average of stature is from seven to eight feet, they might not be regarded as objects of terror. But a sudden incursion of giants, like that which Cincinnati has known to-day, is an event fraught with as much dread, at least to correspondents of five feet eight, as the stampeding of rhinoceri across a colony of ant-hills would be to the occupants.
Elections in the North. It often happens, after a Presidential election, that the victorious party, owing to the lassitude which usually follows great effort, suffers severe loss. Here and there they lose a State, simply because they are exhausted with their previous exertions, and disposed to take their case. But, much as we have heard of the reactions which were to follow the effects of Lincoln's election, and often as we have been told that if the people of the Free States had only to decide the same question over again, we should see a very different result, we have as yet seen no proof of the fact. The developments so far have been just the reverse. We commend to those who are sanguine of an immense Northern reaction the following facts from the N. Y. Tribune: "Since the bold assumption by certain enemies of the Republican party, that the State of New York would now give 100,000 majority against that party, the people have looked with sharpened curiosity upon ever