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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

Your search returned 87 results in 13 document sections:

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
oney to the government unless a compromise was made, he replied that after the recent example of France, the people would promptly meet the emergency by a popular loan; and he added with emphasis, The for changing the issue. Next, as a foreign policy, he would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once (for what he did not say); and if satisfactory explanations are not rececredible as it might appear, the American Secretary of State really hoped to overawe England and France by threatening language. Bright wrote to Sumner, Nov. 29, 1861: There is a feeling among our mithem as they could wish. I hope this is not so. Weed, in his semi-official visit to England and France, discovered this prevailing impression concerning Seward, and did his best in private conversatto England, and that the President also was friendly and pacific towards that country as well as France. Post, p. 60. The change of Administration brought a horde of competitors for the offices.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
interest in the public life and literature of France. Col. Ferri Pisani's Lettres sur les États-d found that our cause lacked moral support in France as well as in England from the want of an avowof the Union had suffered in Great Britain and France from the assumption that the government which , Confederate envoys accredited to England and France respectively, who were proceeding on their misdgment of rebel States by England, followed by France; (2) Breaking of the present blockade, with cate in a new government, it will be England and France who will have done the deed without a name. Gand men under an able general. If England and France had not led the rebels to expect foreign sympao on the Mexican side. That fleet of England, France, and Spain in the Gulf of Mexico means no goody should become embroiled in difficulties with France by certain proceedings in New Orleans, wrote, eign intervention, then threatened by England, France, and Spain (Feb. 19, 1862, Works, vol. VI. pp[1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
e President and his advisers, and were most useful in guiding their action. To these three correspondents he wrote often and most earnestly,—maintaining, spite of slowness and shortcomings, the moral grandeur of our cause, and protesting against the unfriendly, or, at least, unsympathetic action of the British government. To other Englishmen he wrote at intervals with appeals of like tenor; and he also conducted a correspondence with the Count of Paris after his return from this country to France. Sumner's intimate communication with foreigners, at a time when foreign opinion and action were so important to us, is not among the least of his services to his country during our civil contest. He kept an eye from the beginning of the Civil War on foreign opinion, and pleaded that the secret service fund should be used to instruct foreign journals. He was likewise in communication with a large proportion of the legations and consulates of the United States, from which came statements
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
a proposition which openly challenged war with France when all the national energies were needed for duty of the government to declare war against France if the French troops were not withdrawn by Maricularly in keeping the peace with England and France, New York Tribune, July 9. was recognized ier there. Our only anxiety is for England and France. Nobody can measure the complications which eeory is that when it left the Baltic, war with France was regarded as quite possible, and it was detnion treated England unfairly as compared with France, as the former country had resisted the latterion to the protection of the African race, and France by her professed championship of ideas, were planguage and better knowledge; and besides, in France the emperor's will, and not public opinion, goAnd, secondly, I spoke in the hope of reaching France and England,—people and cabinets. To the latt your powerful indictments against England and France together; it should have been your policy to [18 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
e hours from the French Minister, M. Mercier. in which he told me plumply that he thought now as at the beginning that the war must end in separation, and that France was ready at any time to offer her good offices to bring about peace. When he said this I snapped my fingers. But does not this explain the precise policy of tha Massachusetts man, I do not wish to interfere against him. For the present I stand aloof. . . . Tell me what you think of our duty now with regard to Mexico and France. You notice that the House resolution Ante, p. 119. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 346. has already caused an echo in Europe. I have kept it carefully in my come not in a condition to give Louis Napoleon any excuse for hostility or recognition or breaking the blockade. At another time I shall be glad to speak plainly to France, or rather to its ruler; but I would not say anything now which cannot be maintained, nor which can add to our present embarrassments. Again, May 17:— W
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
scharged. A. Lincoln. March 18, 1865. Then followed an incident as original as anything in the life of Henry IV. of France, or of a Lacedaemonian king. As Mr. Sumner was making an abstract of the indorsement for communication by telegraph to tudy of Mr. Lincoln is there so fine a statement of his simplicity in character and habit—carried, as with Saint Louis of France, Montalembert, in a letter to Sumner, referred to this comparison as felicitous. into public business—or of the qualitccasion Mr. Bancroft's eulogy on Mr. Lincoln before Congress in February, 1866, set forth the shortcomings of England, France, and the Pope, to the discomfort of the diplomatists present. but he could not forego the opportunity to renew his protesto his brother. M. Chevalier wrote July 2, 1865, but his letters were infrequent. There was hardly any public opinion in France, and the action of the government was the expression of the emperor's will. Montalembert, whom Sumner had met on his la
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
rrible failure. It is very hard that we should have this new controversy. But 1 have no doubt with regard to my course; the way was never clearer. Affairs with France are very tender, but the Marquis de Montholon The French minister at Washington. thinks that with time the question can be arranged. He expects that the emperge Bemis casually met—two friends who were always in unison. Sumner wrote to Henry Woods, Paris, August 15:— I am glad to believe that our relations with France are to be excellent. I have insisted throughout the session that has closed that there should be no offensive declaration; in other words, that Congress should bbe established; and as this is normal and natural, I am sure that it must be for the welfare of mankind. Two days ago I was much disturbed by the cable news that France insisted upon going to the Rhine. In this claim I saw nothing but terrible war. All Germany would rise as in 1813. I am glad to learn to-day that the claim is a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
ir treatment. he also showed his estimate of the senator's discretion and influence, and his confidence in his kindly sentiments, by soliciting his friendly intervention in the embarrassed relations between Prussia and Denmark. The treaty then slept a long sleep, from which it has never waked. The unhappy negotiator, Raasloff, went out of office with his ministry, which was discredited by the failure, and leaving his country, soured with disappointment, passed the remainder of his life in France, Italy, and Germany, dying at Passy in 1883. Later Administrations have not been tempted to renew a negotiation which in Mr. Seward's hands proved to be a diplomatic fiasco. In Scribner's Magazine, November, 1887 (pp. 587-602), a lady, not of kin to Mr. Seward, but adopting his name, published an article entitled A Diplomatic Episode, full of insinuations which had no basis of fact, and of untrue statements as to the action of the Senate and of its committee, as shown by the records and
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
to that famous sentence of Hooker on law; but I think that Brougham has matched it. And yet he lies obscurely in a village burial-ground far away in the south of France! You approach your election as we approach ours. With you it is Gladstone; with us it is Grant,—two G's. I do not doubt the success of each. Mr. Reverde John Morley, G. Shaw Lefevre, and Leslie Stephen. From his French acquaintance, M. Chevalier, came the expression of the wish that he would take the mission to France. Chevalier wrote concerning the proposed canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific, expressing his belief that the Nicaragua route was the only practicable onrom the distinguished scholar, Moses Coit Tyler. Sumner's name had at different times been mentioned for Secretary of State and for the missions to England and France. Mr. Lincoln, at the time he called for the resignation of Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, in 1864, contemplated a change in the state department after the electio
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
war; but if it does it without good reason it is an unfriendly act. Fish was also very desirous to separate England from France, and I drew a clause to meet this point. Obviously the two cases are different. Both did wrong in the concession of belligerency, but it was only in England that the concession was followed by blockade-runners and pirate ships. In France there was damnun absque injuria; in England, damnun cum injuria. And yet the English are busy over this alleged inconsistency of my speech in arraigning England and not arraigning France. But (1) There was no French treaty under discussion; and (2) There were no damages from France. All this is plain enough. I feel very grateful to Cushing, who has brought his authority to bFrance. All this is plain enough. I feel very grateful to Cushing, who has brought his authority to bear on Fish. I say to you for your encouragement that he agrees with me on all the points. To my mind, his opinion is the best we can have. J. C. B. Davis misapplies Sumner's protest, which was against Fish's first draft of the instructions, an
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