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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 61 results in 14 document sections:

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
r about slavery, for a question upon union or disunion; and that the occupation of Fort Sumter, which was regarded as a slavery or party question, should be terminated as a safe means for changing the issue. Next, as a foreign policy, he would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once (for what he did not say); and if satisfactory explanations are not received from them, he would convene Congress and declare war against them. He would also seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia [for what he did not say], and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. The letter then proceeded to a still more extraordinary recommendation:— For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it [this policy] incessantly. Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or devolve it on some member of his C
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ice which the cause of the Union had suffered in Great Britain and France from the assumption that the governmest perilous, in our Civil War. Public opinion in Great Britain had been running strongly against us, and a larghe safety of the Union required it, he said that Great Britain would not have submitted to the detention howevese to address the Senate, briefly remarking that Great Britain in her reclamation had rejected her own in favor however, reviewed at length our contention with Great Britain concerning the impressment of American seamen, w that we were maintaining our old position while Great Britain was reversing hers. The speech closed with suggeadiness with which the people and government of Great Britain have commenced war; for what are all these armamhim on the subject, and negotiated a treaty with Great Britain for a mutual and restricted right of search and ted at the beginning a foreign war threatened by Great Britain. It exhibited wise statesmanship no less than c
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ng him at this critical period as the representative of Great Britain in Washington. When his intercourse with public men moch, in case of intervention or other unfriendly action, Great Britain would be held responsible. With his early prepossessio Such cruisers, all built, rigged, armed, and manned in Great Britain, availing themselves of British ports as their naval baobligations. (2) It condemned sharply the government of Great Britain, and let off easily that of France, although the formerference in the contest. But our difficulties came from Great Britain, where the Confederate cruisers were fitted out; more wse. There was a feverish and indignant feeling against Great Britain, without much knowledge. The facts which I set forth, s would have been tantamount to a declaration of war by Great Britain against the United States. For weeks before I spoke, bnd from this time often consulted him on questions with Great Britain. One product of Sumner's vacation was a magazine art
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
to yourself, and which can have no better successor in the long hereafter. The part you have taken in consummating those great Congressional measures,—the recognition of the independence of Hayti and Liberia, the anti-slave-trade treaty with Great Britain, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the consecration of all the Territories to freedom, the enrolment of negro soldiers for the suppression of the rebellion, the repeal of the fugitive-slave bill, etc.,—has been as importanional tribunals,— Meanwhile I keep Mexico in my committee, where I have the Arguelles case Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 44-47. and a joint resolution from the House of Representatives terminating the convention with Great Britain limiting ships and navy yards on the lakes. The latter if passed would be the first notice to England that war must come. I am not ready for any such step now. There is a dementia to adjourn and go home. To the Duchess of Argyll, July <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
of the colored people; and Sumner himself regarded it as preparing the way for the full recognition of their rights as citizens and voters. Sumner reported from the committee on foreign relations, Dec. 20, 1864, a resolution for giving to Great Britain notice for the termination of the Canadian reciprocity treaty. His remarks in favor of the notice took into account chiefly the derangement to our war system of taxes, resulting from the treaty, and looked to a revision and suspension of thee one, with a mere reference to the others, would have sufficed. Pregnant as the quoted sentences were, the orator, in applying them to political rights, gave them a significance which was not in the mind of their author. He dwelt longer on Great Britain's recognition of rebel belligerency than was fitting on a commemorative occasion Mr. Bancroft's eulogy on Mr. Lincoln before Congress in February, 1866, set forth the shortcomings of England, France, and the Pope, to the discomfort of the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ed two measures—universal suffrage and universal amnesty. Davis of Kentucky, rarely in accord with Sumner, made a hearty response to his view. The course of Great Britain towards the United States during the Civil War had left a deep sense of wrong in the minds of our people. The British government still maintained that it had ernments with which we were at peace. Chandler in the Senate, Jan. 15, 1866 (Congressional Globe, p. 226), had proposed a resolution of non-intercourse with Great Britain on account of her refusal to entertain the Alabama claims; but it was laid on the table (Globe, p. 243) on Reverdy Johnson s motion, Sumner voting for it. Bankto indemnify the owners of a British vessel illegally seized by one of our ships of war— expressing his earnest desire, when defending it, that notwithstanding Great Britain still denied compensation for our just claims, our own country should be kept firm and constant in the attitude of justice. June 26. Works, vol. x. pp. 47
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
ll find at the Coast Survey. I had two works of Kittlitz, —one in German and the other in English. Sumner put into his speech an intimation that the Senate should have been consulted in advance as to the treaty, Mr. Seward submitted in 1862 to the Senate the draught of a convention with Mexico for the assumption in part of her debt, and the Senate advising against it, the negotiation went no further. President Polk asked the advice of the Senate before concluding the treaty with Great Britain on the Oregon boundary. and also a protest against its being made a precedent for a system of indiscriminate and costly annexion,—adding his hope that subsequent expansions would come solely by the attraction of republican institutions without war, and even without purchase. This caveat proved to be opportune; for Seward, though it was not then known, was already embarked in a wild enterprise Seward had visions of indefinite extension to the South. He said once at Sumner's table. i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
consultation with Seward, called in the Senate for the correspondence with Great Britain concerning the recognition of rebel belligerency and depredations by the Aln; and this right was at the time, through diplomacy, being acknowledged by Great Britain and Germany. The bill, however, added a provision, which was stimulated byivalry of parties, at the time of the dispute concerning the fisheries with Great Britain, to pass a resolution in 1887 authorizing the President to suspend commercio the interest on her advances to the United States in 1812 in the war with Great Britain. The claim was historically connected with Governor Strong's refusal to courts in Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade under the treaty with Great Britain, and the payment of salaries to the judges. Feb. 1, 2, and 3 (Congressiothing but general conversation, in the course of which it was remarked that Great Britain had never appreciated the wrong, the terrible wrong, done to us, not only i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
nate in maintaining pacific relations with Great Britain, and preventing measures likely to producedler's bills and resolutions aimed against Great Britain. The New York Tribune, April 21, 1869, ded in his treaty as one of the grounds of Great Britain's liability. Reverdy Johnson to Seward,ithets on the proclamation, declaring that Great Britain alone had founded on that recognition a synjury, . . .a virtual act of war, by which Great Britain became, and to the end continued to be, thensively and unnecessarily adopted towards Great Britain, her statesmen, and her institutions. Earfor reparation and indemnification against Great Britain on the expulsion of our commercial marine gerency was included during a war in which Great Britain became the military, naval, and financial as an expression of our grievances against Great Britain for her unfriendly course towards us. Cus one or two hundred millions of dollars to Great Britain, in order to save the point of pride on he[8 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
hat in a memorandum sent to Mr. Fish two days after their conference, Jan. 15, 1871, he set forth as a condition or preliminary of settlement the withdrawal of Great Britain from her possessions on this continent. J. C. B. Davis, in the New York Herald, Jan. 4, 1878. See reply of Wendell Phillips to Davis's letter (New York Herdix. The indignity of the removal was aggravated by the time chosen for effecting it. The Joint High Commission for the settlement of all questions between Great Britain and the United States was in session in Washington, and had taken up the Alabama claims March 8, the day preceding the action of the caucus. The Commission n, May 10, in favor of the publication of the treaty (Boston Journal, May 11). He expressed the opinion that it would be hailed with joy by the thinking men of Great Britain and the United States. Boston Journal. Jan. 14, 1878. He moved some amendments, though not pressing them, with these ends: (1) The security of private prope
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