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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 13, 1861., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 6 results in 2 document sections:

land or visit the other ports for any longer time than 24 hours for coaling, and then only for 24 hours consumption.--Great Britain, as we are given to understand by the audience of Earl Russell, allows these pirates to visit English ports and stay t their own pleasure, and receive supplies without restraint. We find it difficult to believe that the Government of Great Britain will continue this exceptionable course after full deliberation of its objectionable character. I intimated in a pres it should adopt to protect and prohibit the evils which must result to our commerce by the policy thus indicated by Great Britain. "I have consulted on the subject with Lord Lyons, and he, perhaps, will communicate with his Government. In t to foreign affairs, and there need be no apprehension of the occurrence of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, unless the British Government seeks a pretext for war. There is no ground for a serious difficulty, and the Governme
tion; but coll and sober minded men must nevertheless condemn it. He has brought the country into a bad scrape, and the sooner we get out of it, the more gracefully we can do so. It will never do to rush wrong and foremost into a quarrel with Great Britain for the sake of a brace of traitors. We say this not because Great Britain is powerful, but because we cannot afford, especially at a time like this, to persist in wrong. This were to strike down at a blow all international law and comity, Great Britain is powerful, but because we cannot afford, especially at a time like this, to persist in wrong. This were to strike down at a blow all international law and comity, and throw the whole world into anarchy. Suppose we hold on to Messrs. Mason and Slidell, we must not, cannot treat them as traitors, after arresting them in the manner we did. Well, then, we shall send then to Fort Lafayette, as we have done others equally guilty. What then ? Why, we should in that way do more to strengthen their cause in Europe than a thousand Masons and Slidell's could do were they there. It would be the strongest possible acknowledgment that we feared them — feared th