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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
ng the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained! At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas ; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind — the principle for which he declares he has suffered so much, and, is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principl
ess to force a Constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will, and to force that State ind placing it within the power of the people of Kansas at that election to reject the Lecompton Constause, the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution unconditionalult has been such as will enable the people of Kansas to come into the Union, with such a Constitutihould or should not exist within the limits of Kansas, I was rejoiced within my secret soul, for I e Lecompton Constitution back to the people of Kansas, and give them the right to accept or reject iill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska? Was it not my duty, in obedienctes? I did incorporate that principle in the, Kansas-Nebraska bill, and perhaps I did, as much as adertook to put a Constitution on the people of Kansas against their will, in opposition to their wisd vindicated this year by the refusal to bring Kansas into the Union with a Constitution distasteful[3 more...]
s to it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty ; but that any one man may take slaves into a Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty I should like to know? When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make a Constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a Territory yet, without having formed a Constitution, in a, very regular way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but when they come to make a Constitution they may say they will not have slavery. But it is there ; they arc obliged to tolerate it some way, and all experience shows it
tion of, controversy has been the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitutiong to control the free action of the people of Kansas in any. respect whatever. It is no argument wor you, but it is a question for the people of Kansas. They have the right to make a Constitution io refer the Constitution back to the people of Kansas, thus conceding the correctness of the princip It provided, in effect, that if the people of Kansas would accept the Lecompton Constitution, that mplain, whatever the decision of the people of Kansas may be upon that point. But while I was no other hand, if at that election the people of Kansas shall reject the proposition, as it is now genr, that slavery was sustained and supported in Kansas by the laws of what they called a bogus Legislcans say, by a bogus Legislature, imposed upon Kansas by an invasion from Missouri. Why has not slaular sovereignty, slavery has been kept out of Kansas, notwithstanding the fact that for the first t[17 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) (search)
the Lecompton Constitution upon the people of Kansas, and when we compelled them to abandon the attonstitution was referred back to the people of Kansas, was this that if the people chose to accept ts, that whatever the decision of the people of Kansas may be at that election, it must be final and at that election a majority of the people of Kansas shall vote for the acceptance of the Congressional proposition, Kansas from that moment becomes a State of the Union, the law admitting her become forever; if, on the other hand, the people of Kansas shall vote down that proposition, as it is nowution should be referred back to the people of Kansas, to be decided for or against it, at a fair ele in the Territories. See the illustration in Kansas. The Republicans have told you, during the why code, establishing and sustaining slavery in Kansas, but that this pro-slavery Legislature did notwners knew that if they took their slaves into Kansas, where a majority of the people were opposed t[5 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
1853-54, I introduced into the Senate of the United States a bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska on that principle which had been adopted in the Compromise measures of 1850, approvministration of the Government back to the control of first principles ; to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of free Territories; that, as the Constitution of the United States vests in thethink, and shall try to show, that it is wrong; wrong in its direct effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska--and wrong in its prospective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part le giving the adhesion of the Union to the Lecompton Constitution. It was in these words: Kansas and her Constitution.-The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dead point of danger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone. -- And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into the Lecompton Constitution, you find the sam
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
First, he desires to know if the people of Kansas shall form a Constitution by means entirely prt I will answer his question. In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion, that as she has population ple enough for a. free State. I will not make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of thehis general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. I will stand by that exception. Either KansKansas must come in as a free State, with whatever population she may have, or the rule must be applied swer at once, that it having been decided that Kansas has people enough for a slave State, I hold tht the admission of Oregon, commits him against Kansas, even if she should apply for admission as a flthough her population was larger than that of Kansas, he stands pledged against the admission of boo the control of first principles ; to restore Kansas and Nebraska to the position of free Territorit of danger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone. And a column, ne[6 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
ution did not consist in the fact that it made Kansas a slave State. I would have been as much oppotion was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and did not embody their will, and the recent words : Question 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in al assume that he will vote for the admission of Kansas in disregard of the English bill. He has the ry we have now got. Slavery is not kept out of Kansas by act of Congress, and when I put the questio Freeport whether or not I would vote to admit Kansas into the Union before she had 93,420 inhabitand him at once that it having been decided that Kansas had now population enough for a slave State, s he would vote for or against the admission of Kansas before she had 93,420 inhabitants, and he woulim three times, whether he would vote to admit Kansas whenever the people applied with a Constitutio Suppose one of your merchants should move to Kansas and open a liquor store; he has a right to tak[1 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
bill through, to make a Constitution, and have Kansas come into the Union with that Constitution, wi and put in force without giving the people of Kansas an opportunity to pass upon it. Without meetinited States Senate to authorize the people of Kansas to form a Constitution and come into the Unionffered to the said Convention of the people of Kansas, when formed, for their free acceptance or rejnly reason why the scheme was not carried, and Kansas long ago forced into the Union as a slave Statlot to force a Constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will, and knowing that it would a bill into Congress authorizing the people of Kansas to form a Constitution and come into the Union form, if it thinks proper, a Constitution for Kansas, preparatory to its admission into the Union ant then was that the Toombs bill would not get Kansas into the Union quick enough and was objectionae, and the question was whether we would allow Kansas to come in under this bill, or keep her out un[46 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
rinciple would be violated by the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitutiostitution should be sent back to the people of Kansas for their adoption or rejection, at an electio in case they refused admission under it, that Kansas should be kept out of the Union until she bad act that by the English bill, if the people of Kansas had only agreed to become a slaveholding State and would not consent to make an exception of Kansas, as a punishment for her obstinacy, in demandid not rest upon the peculiar position taken by Kansas on the subject of slavery. I held then, and hpromise that he will vote for the admission of Kansas: at once, whenever she forms a Constitution ine English bill, and thus pledge myself to keep Kansas out of the Union until she has a population ofd. The question was referred to the people of Kansas under the English bill last August, and then, been crammed down the throats of the people of Kansas against their consent. While at least ninety-[9 more...]
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