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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mason's manners once more. (search)
aving somewhere read, or at some time heard, that an embassador is a person sent abroad to tell lies for his country ; a service which he did not care to undertake. To solve his doubts, he went to Mr. Edward Everett, who is authority in Boston for every point, from a disputed passage in Euripides to the configuration of the great toe of a statue, and asked him simply if he should be obliged to tell the lies aforesaid. Mr. Everett promptly responded in the negative. So Mr. Lawrence went to London, and gave those excellent dinners which to this day are recalled with grateful salivary glands by those who partook of them. Thus we have excellent authority for rejecting as a scandalous old libel, the mendacity theory. But there is yet another, the mendicity theory, which has lately been received with some favor. An embassador is sent abroad in order that he may make money enough to pay his debts; and it is understood that the present august representative of this country at the Court
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Foresight of Mr. Fielder. (search)
The Foresight of Mr. Fielder. A Vocalist of the last generation, celebrated in his day, and called Incledon, while listening to the performances of Braham, was accustomed to wish that his old music-master could come down from heaven to Exeter and take the mail-coach up to London, to hear that d — d Jew sing. Mr. Herbert Fielder, of Georgia, who is the latest champion of disunion, and who appears to have muddled himself into something like sincerity by too much reading of Mr. Calhoun, in a pamphlet which he has put out, and for which he charges the incredibly small sum of fifty cents, utters a similar wish. Mr. Herbert Fielder admits that Gen. Washington, in a certain document usually called The farewell Address, strongly deprecated the dissolution of the Union. In the course of his disquisition, Mr. Fielder supposes Washington to descend from heaven, with or without the aid of a parachute, but still, we suppose, in full regimentals, with what Mr. Fielder calls important dispa
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Secession Squabbles. (search)
Secession Squabbles. the reckless dissensions of leaders have been the ruin of half the revolts mentioned in history. It is not impossible that Charles Stuart might have reached London, however short might have been his stay there, if he could have kept his Highland chieftains from quarreling. The operations and efficiency of our own Revolutionary Army were often seriously embarrassed by the military intrigues of ambitious leaders; and nothing but the extraordinary good sense of Washington rescued us upon such occasions from temporary discomfiture. Men who have thrown off the authority of one Government, glide with but little grace into loyalty to another; and it is when the foundations of society are broken up, that the aspiring ply with the greatest and most mischievous assiduity their schemes of personal aggrandizement. We are not, therefore, at all astonished to find that the leaders of the Slaveholders' Rebellion are already at loggerheads; and as our sources of inform
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Prophecies and Probabilities. (search)
larmists and dogmatical newspapers. With all other experiences, we have found out the Jupiter Scapin — the Great Thunderer of the European journals; and hereafter, though he may beat his best gong never so sonorously, we shall only laugh, and say, Well thundered! Very well thundered, indeed! It is as fatal for a lion to go about in an ass's skin, as for John Donkey to put on the leonine hide; and a man who is in a passion every day of his life, rarely succeeds in affrighting anybody. The London newspapers told us that we could not put down the Rebellion; but that did not deter us from going bravely to work. They now tell us that we have put down the Rebellion. Gentle reader, pray do n't let the admission disturb your equanimity, for a single Union reverse would set them all to croaking at us again. The praise and the blame are of equal value. There never were such fellows as these for foretelling what has already come to pass. Having pretty well put down the Rebellion, it is c
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Democracy in London. (search)
Democracy in London. this is an age of new loves and unwonted affections. That must have been a curious concatenation of events which has brought our Democratic Party into such high favor in Printing-House Square. When it was young and wickedly vigorous, the queer old women who create public opinion in England always denounced it as dangerous and disreputable; and it is only now when its vices have brought it to a premature dotage, with no virility to improve its fortuitous conquests, that they have suddenly grown in love with its stammering speech and shattered corporation. Our readers must pardon the peculiarity of the figure, for the sake of that emasculation which can only thus be indicated. The London Times suffers itself to be cheated by majorities as fortune-hunters allow wealth to hide decay and infirmity; and fancies that if the Democratic Party was once more dominant in Congress, our feuds would be in a fair way of adjustment. This is an eminent instance of forgetf
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Roland for Oliver. (search)
he had seen fit to do so. He might have pointed to the atrocities of the English soldiery in Ireland — to that chapter of history which can never be recited without awaking the indignation of mankind — to cabins burned, to men and women indiscriminately murdered, to tortures mercilessly inflicted — to that whole catalogue of crimes which Lord Cornwallis, then the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in vain endeavored to arrest, by the most pathetic remonstrance addressed to the English ministers in London. It would have been no inequitable rejoinder, to have said something of the British Themis, advancing into the hovels of Ireland with a halter in one hand and a bag of guineas in the other, buying men's lives as drovers purchase cattle, and attended by a train of nine-times perjured sycophants, spies, and informers! Something, too, might have been said of Capt. Hodson's summary execution, with his own hand, of the two sons and the grandson of the King of Delhi — an act, the propriety an
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Union for the Union. (search)
his war, has the majority of cardinal virtues, or which is the patriotic party; why should they? When was it resolved by nations, that right should be dominant in all negotiations? Why, if ever a people had plain, pure, abstract, naked justice upon their side, we are that people. There isn't a morality, however trite, or however rare, that does not attach to our cause. We have with us truth, justice, honor; but, alas! these do not prevent us from cutting a very shabby figure in Paris or London when the news is against us. The Rebels have lied, stolen, perjured themselves, and have tens of thousands of murders to answer for, but bustling men of the Bourse, and the Bulls and Bears of the London Stock Exchange, have had dealings with desperate scamps before, and have made no end of money out of them. It is enough for the nonce, that the rogues are up and the honest men down in the world. Union is strength. The remark is a simple one, nor is it brilliantly novel; but we venture t
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), At home and abroad. (search)
e document, with an unusual venom. From Davis himself it has evoked a proclamation more than commonly bloodthirsty. And it may be asserted generally, that whatever objections may be made to the Proclamation, they have found all their point and force in the assumption that so far from being mere flummery and subterfuge, it means precisely what it says. Nobody here, however enraged by its contents, has hit upon the notable expedient of regarding it as a mere morsel of party management. The London critics have the advantage of their negro-hating friends in America in that particular. The members of Congress from the Border States, whose love of Slavery is stronger than their love of the Union, are exceedingly loud in their lamentations. The politicians of the pot-houses read the Proclamation, and as they do so, curse the negro with a renewed vehemence; while the intelligent masses of the Northern people accept it with a good faith, which we say, without any disrespect to the Preside
d Cavaliers151 Russell, William H158, 187 Repudiation of Northern Debts162 Red Bill, a New Orleans Patriarch318 Romilly, Sir Samuel828 Robertson, Dr., on Slavery803 Screws, Benjamin, Negro Broker8, 88 Society for Promoting National Unity186 Stevens, Alexander H148 Secession, The Ordinance of178 Slidell, Miss204 Secessionists, The Dissensions of219 St. Domingo, The Argument from326 Saulsbury, Senator334, 351 Tyler, John, his Diagnosis128 Times, The London158, 177, 309, 366, 374 Toombs, General, his Trials269 Thirty-Five, The Council of273 Taliaferro, Mr., his Defalcation316 Thugs in New Orleans318 University, a Southern Wanted61 Utopia, A. Slaveholding300 Van Buren, John44 Virginia, Democracy in185 Wise, Henry A.2, 95, 135, 155 Walker, William, his Letter to General Cass33, 35 Winslow, Hubbard136 Williams, Commander206 Winthrop, Robert C.248 Wood, Benjamin379, 383 Yeadon, Richard8 Young, Brigham