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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
twenty millions of Northerners would take their share in public affairs. I do not think that cause equal to the result. Other men before Jefferson Davis and Governor Wise have been disappointed of the Presidency. Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Stephen A. Douglas were more than once disappointed, and yet who believes that eithenan. [Laughter.] There is a measure of truth in that. I believe that if, a year ago, when the thing first showed itself, Jefferson Davis and Toombs and Keitt and Wise, and the rest, had been hung for traitors at Washington, and a couple of frigates anchored at Charleston, another couple in Savannah, and half a dozen in New Orles. Slavery, left where it is, after having created such a war as this, would leave our commerce and all our foreign relations at the mercy of any Keitt, Wig fall, Wise, or Toombs. Any demagogue has only to stir up a proslavery crusade, point back to the safe experiment of 1861, and lash the passions of the aristocrats, to cover
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 14: the Boston mob (first stage).—1835. (search)
sure involved in the proposed action in the District, could no longer be contained. Clay, of Alabama, said the antislavery agitation was confined to a few fanatics, urged and guided by the Garrisons, the Tappans, and others, their wire-workers. Wise, of Virginia, declared the South would fight to the hilt against emancipation in the District unless upon a petition from slave-owners. The House, which had adopted Mr. Dickson's motion (seconded by his colleague, Mr. Fillmore) to print a memorial from Rochester, N. Y., bearing the mayor's signature, was persuaded by Wise to reconsider and lay it, like the several petitions, upon the table. The same fate attended petitions afterwards introduced by John Quincy Adams; but the slavery question had come to stay in Congress. The Southern panic was especially caused by the activity of the admirably directed American Anti-Slavery Society. A circular from the management The Executive Committee consisted of Arthur Tappan, John Rankin, Le
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen, Lydia Maria child. (search)
ded and among enemies, and as his wife was supposed to be beyond immediate reach. This letter she enclosed in one to Governor Wise. She then went home and packed her trunk, with her husband's full approval, but decided not to go until she heard frg her offer, and asking her kind aid for his family, which was faithfully given. But with his letter came one from Governor Wise,courteous, but rather diplomatic,--and containing some reproof of her expressions of sympathy for the prisoner. To tin the New York Tribune. She wrote to the editor (Nov. 10, 1859): I was much surprised to see my correspondence with Governor Wise published in your columns. As I have never given any person a copy, I presume you must have obtained it from Virgin to something like bathos at the end, where Mrs. Mason adds in conclusion, no Southerner ought, after your letters to Governor Wise, to read a line of your composition, or to touch a magazine which bears your name in its list of contributors. To be
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
nt of troops from the North would be a hostile step which would surely precipitate events. Our situation, locked within the slave States, exposes us to attack before protection can come from the North. This cannot be changed. Of course, I shall not shrink from any responsibility; but the time has not come for the appeal which you desire. Events will travel with fearful rapidity. Very soon all slavedom will be in a blaze,—Virginia as much as any other State, embittered by the teachings of Wise and Mason. General Scott says: Since the 2d of January,—yes, sir, since the 2d of January, the President has done well. Jeff. Davis says that but two men in Washington are frightened,—the President and Scott. I enjoyed Andrew's message. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley, appalled with the prospect of civil war with an uncertain issue, hastened to bid the insurgent States to go in peace, while at the same time rejecting any compromise. He treated secession as a revo<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
Soon after he drew attention to the illegal appointments at the South of persons unable to take the required oath of loyalty. January 5, 11; February 2; Congressional Globe, pp. 129, 184, 185, 593. The protests against the President's policy came from the people more tardily than otherwise, on account of certain conditions in the public mind which are not revealed in the debates in Congress. The country sought repose after the war, and was not in the mood for a severe civil conflict. Wise men feared the effects on our polity of a prolonged military administration at the South, and were anxious for a speedy restoration of civil governments. Capitalists desired an immediate pacification of the Southern territory as opening a market which had been closed for four years; as a mass, they could not treat critically schemes of reconstruction, and they inclined to the one which promised the quickest results. Political considerations were superadded. The Republicans held some of th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
heme for the acquisition of that island did not prosper. Next he turned to San Domingo, which was brought to his attention soon after his inauguration by that indefatigable trader Baez, followed shortly by a second gentleman Probably Fabens. from that country, whose name does not appear. The President lent a ready ear, desirous to extend the national area, and also, as he afterwards said, to open a refuge for the colored people of the United States. Personal Memoirs, vol. II. p. 550. Wise or unwise, his purpose appears to have been simple and honorable; but around him were adventurers who had ends of their own. His estimate of the resources of the territory was from the first fanciful. The negotiation properly belonged to the state department, but the President kept it in his own hands. Mr. Fish, who is supposed not to have been in sympathy with it, took at first only a perfunctory part. The original orders went no further than to justify inquiry; but as more was done, and
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley, Chapter 13: the Jeffersonian. (search)
in Washington. Its appearance in that journal called forth a resolution from Mr. Wise, that the charge be investigated by the House. On this an irregular and excite it. The next letter in course was a challenge from Mr. Graves by the hand of Mr. Wise, promptly responded to by Mr. Cilley through Gen. Jones of Wisconsin. The we one, delayed the meeting till 2 o'clock. The first fire was ineffectual. Mr. Wise, as second of the challenging party, now called all parties together, to effecgotiate while under challenge, it was suspended to give room for explanation. Mr. Wise remarked—Mr. Jones, these gentlemen have come here without animosity towards e be drawn into any controversy with Colonel Webb. This is Mr. Jones' version; Mr. Wise thinks he said, My friend refuses to disclaim disrespect to Colonel Webb, becaoose to be drawn into an expression of opinion as to him. After consultation, Mr. Wise returned to Mr. Jones and said, Mr. Jones, this answer leaves Mr. Graves prec
Cambridge sketches (ed. Estelle M. H. Merrill), chapter 11 (search)
its and skill of the people of these remote ages. We may watch the development of man from age to age, seeing hown he gradually improves in manual skill and intellectual forethought. We may at some time be able to trace a race history through these broken relics of past ages. Again, we may preserve the skeletons that are exhumed. These, especially the skulls, are valuable race indices. Perhaps we may be able to establish the continuity of some of these people with some modern races. Wise men earl! in the century heg — an to recognize the value of the information hidden in what were generally regarded merely as curious relics. Collections were begun, but collectors were feeling their way, and hardly knew how to arrange or study their material. In 1866, just at the most favorable time for beginning a thorough scientific work, George Peabody gave $150,000 for the establishment of a museum and professorship of American Archaeology and Ethnology, in connection with Harvard U
Cambridge sketches (ed. Estelle M. H. Merrill), The Cantabrigia Club. (search)
e highest form of social life: to encourage mental and moral development, and to aid by its organized effort such worthy causes as may secure its sympathy. Three years have passed since the christening-party, with its delightful ceremonies and free masonry of good wishes started the infant club on its way. On this occasion, which was one long to be remembered, friends from far and near were present. with gifts of sympathetic words and kindly wishes for the future of the new organization. Wise women stood as its godmothers and offered counsel and congratulation, and, as it had no prejudice in the matter of sex, fair godfathers were present as well, so that like the princess in the olden tale, its christening was full of happiest omens for the future. Its work during the three years has been along various lines, each of its eight departments being presided over by a chairman and two assistants, who provide the programs for the open meetings as well as plan for class work or lectu
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, Ode recited at the Harvard commemoration, July 21, 1865. (search)
rtyr-Chief, Whom late the Nation he had led, With ashes on her head, Wept with the passion of an angry grief: Forgive me, if from present things I turn To speak what in my heart will beat and burn, And hang my wreath on his world-honored urn. Nature, they say, doth dote, And cannot make a man Save on some worn-out plan, Repeating ZZZus by rote: For him her Old-World mould aside she threw, And, choosing sweet clay from the breast Of the unexhausted West, With stuff untainted shaped a hero new, Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. How beautiful to see Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed, Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead; One whose meek flock the people joyed to be, Not lured by any cheat of birth, But by his clear-grained human worth, And brave old wisdom of sincerity! They knew that outward grace is dust; They could not choose but trust In that sure-footed mind's unfaltering skill, And supple-tempered will That bent like perfect steel to spring again and th
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