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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
d Democrats differ about this slavery question? On the contrary, did we not, in 1850, unite to a man in favor of that system of Compromise measures which Mr. Clay inion party on the other. Just recollect for a moment the memorable contest of 1850, when this country was agitated from its center to its circumference by the slavhem, and they gave peace and quiet to the country. Those Compromise measures of 1850 were founded upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State truction of Democrats and Whigs both, who supported those Compromise measures of 1850. When I returned home to Chicago, I found the citizens inflamed and infuriated Presidency, they adopted as a part of their platform the Compromise measures of 1850 as the cardinal plank upon which every Whig would stand and by which he would re Mexican war. Again, this was the trouble which was quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was settled forever , as both the great political parties declared in t
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
ose of defending my political action upon the Compromise measures of 1850 and the passage of the Kansas--Nebraska bill. Those of you before mt or wrong. If it was and is right, then the Compromise measures of 1850 were right, and, consequently, the Kansas and Nebraska bill, based u violation of the principle enunciated in the Compromise measures of 1850, and Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854, and therefore I led off in thcause our system differs from theirs. In the Compromise Measures of 1850, Mr. Clay declared that this great principle ought to exist in the Touglas said (in the beginning of his speech) about the Compromise of 1850, containing the principle of the Nebraska bill, although I have oftes nothing of the principle of the Nebraska bill in the Compromise of 1850 at all-nothing whatever. Where can you find the principle of the Neg that as a part of that system of measures called the Compromise of 1850, which finally included half a dozen acts. It included the admissio
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
that he would and by the Compromise measures of 1850, which declared that the States might come into propose to show that Judge Douglas's action in 1850 and 1854 was taken with especial reference to t stump, the same doctrine that I carried out in 1850, by supporting Clay's Compromise measures. Thehocked that I should now stand where I stood in 1850, when I was supported by Clay, Webster, Cass, ase taken by Judge Douglas on the Compromises of 1850. The record shows, beyond the possibility of cdvocated as applicable to territorial bills, in 1850 ; that, from that session until the present, noetc., etc. I will begin with the Compromises of 1850. Any Senator who will take the trouble to examic, and that I was not a Democrat in 1854 or in 1850! Now is not that funny? Think that the authort. The Union says I was not a sound Democrat in 1850, nor in 1854, nor in 1856, nor am I in 1858, bebster, and Cass, and the Compromise measures of 1850, and the Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854. Whe[1 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
s never pretended to do under Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. He would not answer, and I have not yet been able to get t them and their treasonable designs. Such was the case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and peace of his home, and again ony, or integrity of the Union was imperiled. It was so in 1850, when Abolitionism had even so far divided this country, Nown way. I stand on that same platform in 1858 that I did in 1850, 1854, and 1856. The Washington Union pretending to be theed upon the same principle as Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. The Union thus proved that Douglas was the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, and 1850, and consequently argued that he was never a Democrat. Is it not funny that I was never by my speeches that I explained the Compromise measures of 1850 just as I do now, and that I explained the Kansas and Nebraxas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Columbus Ohio, September, 1859. (search)
rom the jump, to decide this little negro question. But, gentlemen, the case is too plain ; I occupy too much time on this head, and I pass on. Near the close of the copy-right essay, the Judge, I think, comes very near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these remarks, that I would read from that article, but I now believe I will : This exposition of the history of these measures, shows conclusively that the authors of the Compromise Measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774, and the founders of our system of Government subsequent to the Revolution, regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity. When the Judge. saw that putting in the w
s, and the utter absence of all romantic and heroic elements. He communicated some facts to me concerning his ancestry, which he did not wish to have published then, and which I have never spoken of or alluded to before. What the facts referred to by Mr. Scripps were we do not know; for he died several years ago without, so far as is known, revealing them to anyone. On the subject of his ancestry and origin I only. remember one time when Mr. Lincoln ever referred to it. It was about 1850, when he and I were driving in his one-horse buggy to the court in Menard county, Illinois. The suit we were going to try was one in which we were likely, either directly or collaterally, to touch upon the subject of hereditary traits. During the ride he spoke, for the first time in my hearing, of his mother, Dennis and John Hanks have always insisted that Lincoln's mother was not a Hanks, but a Sparrow. Both of them wrote to me that such was the fact. Their object in insisting on this
the fifties, granted him a land warrant he was greatly pleased. He located it on some land in Iowa, and declared to me one day that he would die seized of that land, and although the tract never yielded him anything he never, so far as my knowledge extends parted with its ownership. In regard to the Bounty Land Warrants issued to Abraham Lincoln for military services during the Black Hawk war as Captain of 4th Illinois Volunteers, the first warrant, No. 52,076, for forty acres (Act of 1850), was issued to Abraham Lincoln, Captain, etc. on the 16th of April, 1852, and was located in his name by his duly appointed attorney, John P. Davis, at Dubuque, Iowa, July 21, 1854, on the north-west quarter of the south-west quarter of section 20, in Township 84, north of Range 39, west, Iowa. A patent as recorded in volume 280, page 21, was issued for this tract to Abraham Lincoln on the 1st of June, 1855, and transmitted the 26th October, 1855, to the Register of delivery. Under the
dded on unaware of, and seemingly without ambition for, the great distinction that lay in store for him. John T. Stuart relates Statement, J. T. S., Ms., July 21, 1865. that, as he and Lincoln were returning from the court in Tazewell county in 1850, and were nearing the little town of Dillon, they engaged in a discussion of the political situation. As we were coming down the hill, are Stuart's words, I said, Lincoln, the time is coming when we shall have to be all either Abolitionists or Deid three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. The passage in May, 1854, of the Kansas-Nebraska bill swept out of sight the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise measures of 1850. This bill, designed and carried through by Douglas, was regarded by him as the masterpiece of all his varied achievements in legislation. It served to prove more clearly than anything he had ever before done his flexibility and want of politica
e centre-table in his parlor at home, comparatively no library. He never seemed to care to own or collect books. On the other hand I had a very respectable collection, and was adding to it every day. To my library Lincoln very frequently had access. When, therefore, he began on his inaugural speech he told me what works he intended to consult. I looked for a long fist, but when he went over it I was greatly surprised. He asked me to furnish him with Henry Clay's great speech delivered in 1850; Andrew Jackson's proclamation, against Nullification; and a copy of the Constitution. He afterwards called for Webster's reply to Hayne, a speech which he read when he lived at New Salem, and which he always regarded as the grandest specimen of American oratory. With these few volumes, and no further sources of reference, he locked himself up in a room upstairs over a store across the street from the State House, and there, cut off from all communication and intrusion, he prepared the addr
tting rid of the barbarous institution of slavery was by a system of compensated emancipation, giving freedom to the slave and a money indemnity to the owner. He therefore carefully framed a bill providing for the abolishment of slavery in the District upon the following principal conditions: First. That the law should be adopted by a popular vote in the District. Second. A temporary system of apprenticeship and gradual emancipation for children born of slave mothers after January I, 1850. Third. The government to pay full cash value for slaves voluntarily manumitted by their owners. Fourth. Prohibiting bringing slaves into the District, or selling them out of it. Fifth. Providing that government officers, citizens of slave States, might bring with them and take away again, their slave house-servants. Sixth. Leaving the existing fugitive-slave law in force. When Mr. Lincoln presented this amendment to the House, he said that he was authorized to state that
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