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James Shields (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
n abolition party, under the name and disguise of a Republican party. The terms of that arrangement between Lincoln and Trumbull have been published by Lincoln's special friend, James H. Matheny, Esq.; and they were that Lincoln should have General Shields's place in the United States Senate, which was then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my term expired. Lincoln went to work to abolitionize the Old Whig party all over the State, pretending that he was thenocratic party, and put themselves into the Senate of the United States, in pursuance of their bargain, are now carrying out that arrangement. Matheny states that Trumbull broke faith; that the bargain was that Lincoln should be the Senator in Shields's place, and Trumbull was to wait for mine; and the story goes that Trumbull cheated Lincoln, having control of four or five abolitionized Democrats who were holding over in the Senate. He would not let them vote for Lincoln, which obliged the
John Jay (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
xtract from which I have read, says that this government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which it was made by its framers—divided into free and slave States. He says that it has existed for about seventy years thus divided, and yet lie tells you that it cannot endure permanently on the same principles and in the same relative condition in which our fathers made it. Why can it not exist divided into free and slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the great men of that day made this government divided into free States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the subject of slavery. Why can it not exist on the same principles on which our fathers made it? They knew when they framed the Constitution that in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, production, and interest, the people necessarily required different laws and institutions in different localities. They kn
Farnsworth (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
d by the laws of God, and that it is asserted in the Declaration of Independence. If they think so, of course they have a right to say so, and so vote. I do not question Mr. Lincoln's conscientious belief that the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother; but, for my own part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother or any kin to me whatever. Lincoln has evidently learned by heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism. He can repeat it as well as Farnsworth, and he is worthy of a medal from Father Giddings and Fred Douglass for his abolitionism. He holds that the negro was born his equal and yours, and that he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can deprive him of these rights which were guaranteed to him by the Supreme Ruler of the universe. Now I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro to be the equal of the white man. If he did, he has been a long time demonstrating the fact. For thousands o
Matthew Browning (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
emands that he shall have the place intended for Trumbull, as Trumbull cheated him and got his; and Trumbull is stumping the State, traducing me for the purpose of securing the position for Lincoln, in order to quiet him. It was in consequence of this arrangement that the Republican convention was impanelled to instruct for Lincoln and nobody else; and it was on this account that they passed resolutions that he was their first, their last, and their only choice. Archy Williams was nowhere, Browning was nobody, Wentworth was not to be considered; they had no man in the Republican party for the place except Lincoln, for the reason that he demanded that they should carry out the arrangement. Having formed this new party for the benefit of deserters from Whiggery and deserters from Democracy, and having laid down the abolition platform which I have read, Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his abolition doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Springfield to the
1843 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
old, 1813-1861 Statesman; born in Brandon, Vt., April 23, 1813; learned the business of cabinet-making; studied law; became an auctioneer's clerk in Jacksonville, Ill.; and taught school until admitted to the bar, when he soon became an active politician. Because of his small stature and power of intellect and speech he was called The little giant. He was attorney-general of Illinois in 1835; was in the legislature; chosen secretary of state in 1840; judge in 1841; and was in Congress in 1843-47. He was a vigorous promoter of the war with Mexico, and was United States Senator from 1847 to 1861. He advanced and supported the doctrine of popular sovereignty in relation to slavery in the Territories, and was the author of the Kansas-Nebraska bill (q. v. ); and in 1856 was a rival candidate of Buchanan for the nomination for the Presidency. He took sides in favor of freedom in Kansas, and so became involved in controversy with President Buchanan. He was a candidate of the Democrat
1813 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
Douglas, Stephen Arnold, 1813-1861 Statesman; born in Brandon, Vt., April 23, 1813; learned the business of cabinet-making; studied law; became an auctioneer's clerk in Jacksonville, Ill.; and taught school until admitted to the bar, when he soon became an active politician. Because of his small stature and power of intellect and speech he was called The little giant. He was attorney-general of Illinois in 1835; was in the legislature; chosen secretary of state in 1840; judge in 1841; and was in Congress in 1843-47. He was a vigorous promoter of the war with Mexico, and was United States Senator from 1847 to 1861. He advanced and supported the doctrine of popular sovereignty in relation to slavery in the Territories, and was the author of the Kansas-Nebraska bill (q. v. ); and in 1856 was a rival candidate of Buchanan for the nomination for the Presidency. He took sides in favor of freedom in Kansas, and so became involved in controversy with President Buchanan. He was a can
1846 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
could ruin more liquor than all the boys of the town together; and the dignity and impartiality with which he presided at a horserace or fist-fight excited the admiration and won the praise of everybody that was present and participated. I sympathized with him because he was struggling with difficulties, and so was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the legislature in 1836, when we both retired; and he subsided or became submerged, and he was lost sight of as a public man for some years. In 1846, when Wilmot introduced his celebrated proviso, and the abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln again turned up as a member of Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of the United States, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion. While in Congress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the Mexican War, taking the side of the common enemy against his own country; and, when he returned home, he found that the indignation of the people follo
1847 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
ian. Because of his small stature and power of intellect and speech he was called The little giant. He was attorney-general of Illinois in 1835; was in the legislature; chosen secretary of state in 1840; judge in 1841; and was in Congress in 1843-47. He was a vigorous promoter of the war with Mexico, and was United States Senator from 1847 to 1861. He advanced and supported the doctrine of popular sovereignty in relation to slavery in the Territories, and was the author of the Kansas-Nebrask1847 to 1861. He advanced and supported the doctrine of popular sovereignty in relation to slavery in the Territories, and was the author of the Kansas-Nebraska bill (q. v. ); and in 1856 was a rival candidate of Buchanan for the nomination for the Presidency. He took sides in favor of freedom in Kansas, and so became involved in controversy with President Buchanan. He was a candidate of the Democratic party in 1860 for President of the United States, but was defeated by Abraham Lincoln. He died in Chicago, Ill., June 3, 1861. See Kansas. The Douglas-Lincoln debate. In opening this famous debate, in Ottawa, Ill., on Aug. 21, 1858, Mr. Dougla
1850 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
e Whig party and the Democratic party jointly adopted the compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of the slavery question in all its foWhig and Democratic ranks who had devised and enacted the compromise measures of 1850. In 1851 the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adoptiresolutions endorsing and approving the principles of the compromise measures of 1850 as the proper adjustment of that question. In 1852, when the Whig party assemblthe Presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment of that question. [Here tocratic candidate for the Presidency, it also adopted the compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic action. Thus you see that up to 1853-54 the Whig par Nebraska on that principle which had been adopted in the compromise measures of 1850, approved by the Whig party and the Democratic party in Illinois in 1851, and en
1836 AD (search for this): entry douglas-stephen-arnold
ng an anecdote as now. He could beat any of the boys wrestling or running a foot-race, in pitching quoits or tossing a copper; could ruin more liquor than all the boys of the town together; and the dignity and impartiality with which he presided at a horserace or fist-fight excited the admiration and won the praise of everybody that was present and participated. I sympathized with him because he was struggling with difficulties, and so was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the legislature in 1836, when we both retired; and he subsided or became submerged, and he was lost sight of as a public man for some years. In 1846, when Wilmot introduced his celebrated proviso, and the abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln again turned up as a member of Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of the United States, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion. While in Congress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the Mexican War, taking the s
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