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Caleb Stetson (search for this): chapter 9
re present Ripley, Emerson, Hedge, Alcott, Clarke, and Francis, and one or two divinity students. This led to a much larger meeting at Mr. Emerson's in Concord, at which were present, besides the above, O. A. Brownson, T. Parker, C. A. Bartol, C. Stetson, and various other men; with Margaret Fuller and Elizabeth P. Peabody. This was the inauguration of a club, called The Transcendental Club by the world; sometimes, by Mr. Alcott, The Symposium Club; and occasionally, by its members, The Hedgeerials. Hedge supplied the trained philosophic mind; Convers Francis, the omnivorous mental appetite; James Freeman Clarke, the philanthropic comprehensiveness; Theodore Parker, the robust energy; Orestes A. Brownson, the gladiatorial vigor; Caleb Stetson, the wit; William Henry Channing, the lofty enthusiasm; Ripley, the active understanding; Bartol, the flame of aspiration; Alcott, the pure idealism; Emerson, the lumen siccum, or dry light. Among members or occasional guests were Thoreau, J
John Lafarge (search for this): chapter 9
g on Thoreau the reverse end of a remarkably good telescope, pronounces him parochial, because he made the woods and waters of Concord, Massachusetts, his chief theme. The epithet is curiously infelicitous. To be parochial is to turn away from the great and look at the little; the daily newspapers of Paris afford the best illustration of this fault. It is not parochial, but the contrary, when Dr. Gould spends his life in watching the stars from his lonely observatory in Paraguay; or when Lafarge erects his isolated studio among the Paradise Rocks near Newport; or when Thoreau studies birds and bees, Iliads and Vedas, in his little cottage by Lake Walden. To look out of the little world into the great, that is enlargement; all else is parochialism. It is also to be remembered that people in America, in those days, if they had access to no great variety of thought, still had — as in the Indian's repartee about Time-all the thought there was. The sources of intellectual influence
ued next April, and to ask what you will give. I have counted on you for the first number, because you seemed so really in earnest and said you had articles ready written. But I want to know what part you propose to take in the grand symphony, and I pray you to answer me directly, for we must proceed to tune the instruments. Mr. Emerson is warmly interested and will give active assistance for a year. Mr. Ripley and Mr. Dwight are also in earnest; for others I know not yet. Will not Mr. Vaughan give us some aid? His article on the Chartists excited interest here, and we should like some such large sharp strokes of the pen very much ... At Newport you prophesied a new literature: shall it dawn in 1840? Ms. (W. H. C.) On the same day she writes to Rev. F. H. Hedge, at Bangor, Maine:-- Jamaica Plain, 1st January, 1840. My dear Henry,--I write this New Year's Day to wish you all happiness, and to say that there is reason to expect the new journal (in such dim prospect
Longfellow (search for this): chapter 9
to overspread a continent; and they had two or three centuries of romantic and picturesque pioneer history behind them. We now recognize that Irving, Cooper, Bryant, Whittier did not create their material; they simply used what they found; and Longfellow's fame did not become assured till he turned from Bruges and Nuremberg, and chose his theme among the exiles of Acadia. It was not Irving who invested the Hudson with romance, but the Hudson that inspired Irving. In 1786, when Mrs. Josiah Qui158 (October, 1840). It was this strong conviction in their own minds of the need of something fresh and indigenous, which controlled the criticism of the Transcendentalists; and sometimes made them unjust to the early poetry of a man like Longfellow, who still retained the European symbols, and exasperated them by writing about Pentecost and bishop's-caps, just as if this continent had never been discovered. The most striking illustration of the direct literary purpose of this movement
John A. Heraud (search for this): chapter 9
afterwards published in an English magazine, Heraud's New Monthly Magazine, April, 1840. under thewn age and land shall be classic to ourselves. Heraud's New Monthly Magazine, III. 448. This oraparison. There was in England a man named John A. Heraud, author of a Life of Savonarola, and descras engaged in the same rather daring task with Heraud, and even bound up some volumes of his manuscre might be — should have looked eagerly toward Heraud, especially when the latter began to publish h everything and buy everything, of course took Heraud's periodical; and his copy, apparently the onln taken by himself, Miss Fuller, and others in Heraud's undertakings, and his own fear that Americant's Ms. Diary, XIII. 375. But the trophies of Heraud would not suffer Bostonians to sleep. There wtt, while planning to reprint a little work of Heraud's from an English volume called The Educator, transatlantic friends. He is much taken with Heraud's journal, which he has read from January last[1 more...]
Magazine, April, 1840. under the title, A Voice from America. The hope of literature. Nothing then written -nothing in even the Dial itself-has preserved for us so good a picture of the working of the new impulse among educated minds, at that day; but the most remarkable passage was that in which the young student announced the possibilities of American Literature, as follows:-- When Horace was affecting to make himself a Greek poet, the genius of his country, the shade of immortal Romulus, stood over him, post mediam noctem visus quum somnia vera, and forbade the perversion. .. Is everything so sterile and pigmy here in New England, that we must all, writers and readers, be forever replenishing ourselves with the mighty wonders of the Old World? Is not the history of this people transcendent in the chronicles of the world for pure, homogeneous sublimity and beauty and richness? Go down some ages of ages from this day, compress the years from the landing of the Pilgrims to
Savonarola (search for this): chapter 9
y, Dr. Channing and George Bancroft seem to have met with them at Mr. Ripley's (December 5, 1839). The project of a magazine, long pending, seems to have been brought to a crisis by the existence of an English periodical, which was at the time thought so good as to be almost a model for the American enterprise; but which seems, on rereading it in the perspective of forty years, to be quite unworthy of the comparison. There was in England a man named John A. Heraud, author of a Life of Savonarola, and described in one of Carlyle's most deliciously humorous sketches as a loquacious, scribacious little man of middle age, of parboiled greasy aspect, and by Leigh Hunt, as wavering in the most astonishing manner between being Something and being Nothing. He seems to have been, if not witty himself, the cause of wit in others, for Stuart Mill said of him: I forgive him freely for interpreting the Universe, now when I find he cannot pronounce the h's. When Carlyle once quoted to him the
Immanuel Kant (search for this): chapter 9
ll the thought there was. The sources of intellectual influence then most powerful in England, France, and Germany, were accessible and potent in America also. The writers who were then remoulding English intellectual habits — Coleridge, Wordsworth, Shelleywere eagerly read in the United States; and Carlyle found here his first responsive audience. There was a similar welcome afforded in America to Cousin and his eclectics, then so powerful in France; the same to Goethe, Herder, Jean Paul, Kant, Schelling, Fichte, Jacobi, and Hegel. All these were read eagerly by the most cultivated classes in the United States, and helped, here as in Europe, to form the epoch. Margaret Fuller, so early as October 6, 1834, wrote in one of her unpublished letters, To Mrs. Barlow. Fuller Mss. i. 15. our master, Goethe; and Emerson writes to Carlyle (April 21, 1840), I have contrived to read almost every volume of Goethe, and I have fifty-five. Carlyle-Emerson correspondence, i. 285. To have rea
ercise a just and catholic criticism, and to recognize every sincere production of genius; in philosophy it will attempt the reconciliation of the universal instincts of humanity with the largest conclusions of reason; and in religion it will reverently seek to discover the presence of God in nature, in history, and in the soul of man. The Dial, as its title indicates, will endeavor to occupy a position on which the light may fall; which is open to the rising sun; and from which it may correctly report the progress of the hour and the day. The Dial will be published once in three months, on the first day of January, April, July, and October. Each number will contain 136 octavo pages, making one volume in a year of 544 pages, which will be furnished to subscribers at Three Dollars per annum, payable on the delivery of the second number. The first number will be published on the first day of July next. Weeks, Jordan & Co., 121 Washington Street, Boston, Ma., May 4, 1840.
John G. Whittier (search for this): chapter 9
d them if they accomplished anything at all. The concession was quite needless. They undoubtedly had nature and their own souls to draw upon; they had few books, but those were the best; they had some remote glimpse of art through engravings, at least; they had around them the inspiration of a great republic, visibly destined to overspread a continent; and they had two or three centuries of romantic and picturesque pioneer history behind them. We now recognize that Irving, Cooper, Bryant, Whittier did not create their material; they simply used what they found; and Longfellow's fame did not become assured till he turned from Bruges and Nuremberg, and chose his theme among the exiles of Acadia. It was not Irving who invested the Hudson with romance, but the Hudson that inspired Irving. In 1786, when Mrs. Josiah Quincy, then a young girl, sailed up that river in a sloop, she wrote: Our captain had a legend for every scene, either supernatural or traditional, or of actual occurrence
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