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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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March (search for this): chapter 10
Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to threaten the district-attorney in open court. Meanwhile, the new Whig Administration quite justifiably discharged Rynders from the Custom-house, leaving him free to pose as a saviour of the Union against traitors—a saviour of society against blasphemers and infidels wherever encountered. There was a manifest d
1793 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ty of obedience to the higher law of humanity. Whittier proclaimed himself a Nullifier to that extent. The Lib. 20.173. venerable Josiah Quincy, shaming his successor in the Ante, p. 278. presidency of Harvard College, headed a call for a Lib. 20.166. meeting in Faneuil Hall on October 14, 1850, to consider the condition of fugitive slaves and other colored persons under the new law. In a letter read in his absence, he impugned the constitutionality both of the law of 1850 and of that of 1793 which it amended, alleging that Massachusetts accepted the compromise clause in the Federal Constitution concerning runaways on the understanding that the claim should be enforced in conformity to and in coincidence with the known and established principles of her own Constitution. Charles Francis Adams, who presided, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., who offered the resolutions, called for the instant repeal, at the next session of Congress, of a measure both unconstitutional and repugnant to the m
January (search for this): chapter 10
the Constitution. . . . No public building, no, not even the streets, must be desecrated by such a proposed assemblage of traitors. As for one of the heralded orators for this Anniversary, the black Douglass, who, at the Syracuse Convention in January, Ante. p. 281. had invoked immediate disunion, and alleged that Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry were strangers to any just idea of Liberty—This was uttered, says a contemporary, and no hand was raised to fell the speaker to the earth! ere, and to be repelled on the same ground that foreign paupers and criminals were excluded. Thompson's welcome, clearly, was to come, now as before, from the abolitionists alone. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society had extended theirs in January, Jan. 25, 1850; Lib. 20.19. on an intimation of his intention to arrive somewhat earlier than he did. They promptly arranged for a Lib. 20.178. reception in Faneuil Hall on November 15, and invitations to lecture on various topics began to po
March, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 10
t their hopes of him on random utterances disconnected by any logic of principle or behavior, and infused by no warmth of heart or ray of pity for the slave. True, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk of the North. There has for a long time been no North. I think the North Star is at last discovered; I think there will be a North exhibiting a strong, conscientious, and united opposition to slavery. True, he had said in New York in March, 1837, during the Texas excitement: The subject [of slavery] has not only attracted attention as Webster's Works, 1.357; Lib. 20.193. a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord. It has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a
April 15th, 1850 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ercise it or not . . . I wish I could see one-half of the members of Congress women. I wish I could see one-half of the members of our Legislature women. They are entitled to this. I am quite sure —I think I hazard nothing in saying—that the legislation of our country would be far different from what it is. I think the outrageous scenes which are witnessed on the floor of Congress at Washington For instance, Hangman Foote of Mississippi drawing a pistol on Benton in the Senate, April 15, 1850 (Lib. 20: 66, 69, 70). would for ever be banished; for it is a fact, cognizable by the whole earth, that men always behave in the presence of women better than when women are absent, as I presume the women behave a great deal better in the presence of men than when the men are absent. (Much merriment.) But there is a philosophical reason for this, particularly as it respects legislation. We cannot have too much intellect, nor have too much humanity, mingled in our national councils; an
March 7th (search for this): chapter 10
Southern Episcopal Bishop became a Confederate Major-General. Daniel Webster's incredible 7th of March speech, in Lib. 20.42, 43, 45. wholesale support of the Compromise, carried dismay to the Coof the South, the immoral thanks of the trader and the doughface. When he rose in his place on March 7 to break the word of promise to the hope of his eager constituency, the Fugitive Slave Bill wasup an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ted acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, 89, 121. to his 7th of March speech, coining fresh euphemisms for the shameful thing he invested with the sacred name of dWebster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three mo
January, 1886 AD (search for this): chapter 10
exceeding six months); and denying the alleged fugitive all right to testify in his own defence. Nor did Webster, who, while yet undecided on which side to commit himself, had drawn up an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ex-parte Lib. 20.95. affidavits; The pagan law of Crete unearthed at Gortyna (Am. Jour. of Archcaeology, Jan., 1886), and assigned to the Solonian period, provided: Whoever intends to bring suit in relation to a freeman or a slave, shall not take action by seizure before trial; but, if he do seize him, let the Judge fine him ten staters for the freeman, five for the slave, and let him adjudge that he shall release him within three days. . . . But if one party contend that he is a freeman, the other that he is a slave, those that testify that he is free shall be preferred. The Fugitive Slave Law not onl
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