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Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
slature in December, 1857, denounced the Black Republican scheme to stop the extension of slavery—confining it within the limits of the States where it now exists, so as ultimately to render slaves valueless to their owners, and thus effect their emancipation. Lib. 28.1. The Legislature unanimously responded by asking him to call a State Lib. 28.15. Convention if Congress refused to admit Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. At the so-called Southern Commercial Convention held at Montgomery, Ala., on Lib. 28.87; Hodgson's Cradle of the Confederacy, p. 371. May 10, 1858, to discuss the African slave-trade and the relations of the South to the Union, Roger A. Pryor of Virginia could pledge his State to disunion in case a Ibid., p. 382. Black Republican President were installed at Washington with a majority in Congress. Henry W. Hilliard of Alabama agreed that the election of such a President Ibid., p. 385. would result in the subversion of the Government, and that the South wo
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 18
asure, and otherwise diminished the disunion attitude of the State. Loring removed, the Liberator urged as the next step Lib. 28.51. the procuring of an enactment that no man should be put on trial for his freedom in Massachusetts. At the New England Anti-Slavery Convention in May, Mr. Garrison introduced a resolution recommending petitions to this Lib. 28.90. effect, which were duly put in circulation. While the Lib. 28.98. con stitutionality of the unmutilated Personal Liberty Law cthe lines. Sanborn's Life of John Brown, pp. 435, 440, 447, 457-460. Mr. Higginson spoke with knowledge when he asked— Is it [slavery] destined, as it began in blood, so to end? Seriously and solemnly I say, it seems as if it were. At the New England Convention in Boston on May 26, Theodore Parker (equally with Mr. Higginson a Ibid., pp. 440, 447, 458-460, 463, 511, 512; Weiss's Life of Parker, 2.161. confidant of John Brown, and fresh from meeting him with his secret committee of backers
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 18
avis—disregarding the lines of demarcation which Union-saving Lib. 28.193; 30.17. Republicans ostentatiously drew between themselves and the Garrisonians—said the question of disunion would arise if an Abolitionist be chosen President of the United States. He entreated Mississippi to make ready for the contest, and alter over its old arms. He reported having heard President Pierce say that when a Northern army should go to subjugate the South, its first fighting would be done on Northern soiey who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
nstitution. It would now shortly seek to impose on Kansas a constitution open to Mr. Adams's special objectio Lib. 28.5. Lecompton Constitution on the people of Kansas, it would have to maintain it by force of arms. Yo Congress, denouncing the free-State inhabitants of Kansas as rebels, and counselling a settlement of the exise Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. , 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senatwner of any property whatever. The bill allowed Kansas to enter the Union at once with Lib. 28.155; N. Y.ajority The Slave Power had staked everything on Kansas and had lost. In both sections of the country therLib. 28.15. Convention if Congress refused to admit Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. At the so-called
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
to the Union. He reminded them that the Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. The popular demonstrations against this policy, the Lib. 28.27, 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall ofepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
ave State as Georgia or South Carolina. The popular demonstrations against this policy, the Lib. 28.27, 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.558. secure submission of the Lecompton Constitution to the popular vote—were all in vain. The two houses disagreeing, a conference committee adopted the bill contrived by William H. English of Indiana, and on April Lib. 28.75; Wilson, 2.564, 565. 30 the enabling act was passed. The first section of Article 7 of the Constitution embedded in the act read as follows: The right of property is before and higher than any Lib. 28.107. constitutional sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same, and as inviolable, as the right of the owner of any property whatever. The bill allowed Kansas to enter the Union at once with Lib. 28.155; N.
Rochester (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
g heard President Pierce say that when a Northern army should go to subjugate the South, its first fighting would be done on Northern soil. Compare a like warning on the part of Pierce's Attorney-General, Caleb Cushing, in Faneuil Hall, Dec. 9, 1859, in case his fellow-citizens of Massachusetts embarked in a war of invasion [of the South] for the destruction of the Union and the Government of the Union (Lib. 29: 197). Davis took for his text the famous speech of Senator Seward at Rochester, N. Y., on October 25, 1858; in which Lib. 28.177. the latter foretold the supplanting of the Democratic Party in power by the Republican, and gave universal currency in a happy phrase to the old abolition view of Ante, 2.338. the existing Union: Shall I tell you what this collision [of two antagonistic Lib. 28.177. systeams continually coming into closer contact] means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ep
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
ral. At the West, in June, Abraham Lincoln had embodied the same truth in the less immediately famous sentence, already quoted, depicting the house divided against itself, Ante, p. 420. and prophesying that it would ultimately become wholly one thing or the other. His successful rival for the United States Senate, Stephen A. Douglas, repudiated Lib. 28.193. the dictum alike of the statesman unanimously predesignated as the Republican candidate for President in 1860, and of the obscure Illinois politician who was in reality to stand and to be elected. The logic of Lincoln, he said Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.572, 573. on July 9, meant a war of extermination directed against the South. Something more than philosophical reflections on the tendency of the Union was needed if the role of the North in the great change in prospect was to be anything more than passive. When Freedom could inspire the same jealousy, devotion, and unity—the same passion— as Slavery, t
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
Lib. 28.23, 28; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.544. message to Congress, denouncing the free-State inhabitants of Kansas as rebels, and counselling a settlement of the existing distraction by making the Lecompton Constitution the basis of admission to the Union. He reminded them that the Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. The popular demonstrations against this policy, the Lib. 28.27, 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.558. secure submission of the Lecompton Constitution to the popular vote—were all in vain. The two houses disagreeing, a conference committee adopted the bill contrived by William H. English of Indiana, and on Apri
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
nually coming into closer contact] means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final compromise between t
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