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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 95 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 39 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 32 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 23 1 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 14 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 10 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 8 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 6 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Benjamin F. Wade or search for Benjamin F. Wade in all documents.

Your search returned 16 results in 4 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
enators who took the oath at the same time were Hamilton Fish of New York, Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, James of Rhode Island, and Geyer of Missouri. Later in the day M's marks are found in Seward's books. Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 204. and from Wade, who was sincere in his antislavery convictions as well as fearless, but who failed attempt to suppress it. Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 190. Sumner, Upham, and Wade. The negative votes were given by the supporters of slavery or Compromise, amonhey did not adhere to in the period of the Civil War and that which followed it. Wade went so far as to avow in the Senate, Feb. 23, 1855, his adhesion to the Virginihe vote his proposition of repeal,—Chase and Hale, his Free Soil associates, and Wade, nominally a Whig, with strong antislavery sentiments confirmed by pledges. Suthe topic, he was as serious in private talk as in the debates of the Senate. Wade's inaccuracies of statement and looseness of speech suggested corresponding limi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
lving a radical departure from traditional policy had been pressed. Wade indorsed as correct every word of the Appeal, though he had not sign as a sufficient answer to the principal argument of its opponents. Wade said in the Senate, Feb. 23. 1855. referring to this position of Ev I do thank you most cordially for the addresses of Mr. Chase, Mr. Wade, Mr. Houston, and your own,—the best of all, I have often said to pirit, and worthy of the occasion were made by other senators, as by Wade of Ohio and Fessenden of Maine; This was Fessenden's first speechs vote from the body of Southern Whig senators and representatives. Wade, Seward, Chase, and Sumner, standing alone for the free States in thofaning the holy Sabbath by stump speeches from the sacred desk; and Wade's and Chase's prediction of the withdrawal of the Northern Whigs in ndeed, there were already tokens of the revolution in politics which Wade and Chase had foreshadowed. The Administration had lost New Hampshi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
ebate at once took a wide range, covering the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the significance of the recent defeats of the Administration, the political associations of senators, and other features of the conflict between freedom and slavery. Wade spoke at length, discursively and somewhat loosely, but with great energy. He upbraided the Compromise senators for continually reviving, by new measures and harangues, the agitation which they had undertaken to suppress, and pointed to the spirie, contested Douglas's assumption as to the significance of the elections. Benjamin and Bayard spoke for the South. Butler betrayed the frequency with which he had partaken of his usual refreshment. He was called to order by Sumner for accusing Wade of falsehood; and though the point was then decided in his favor, he was shortly after declared out of order by the chair. The evening had now come, and the chandeliers were lighted. Gillette, the new antislavery senator from Connecticut, who ha
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
r. Brooks; I stated to him, or to some of my own friends, probably, that I approved it. That is my opinion. Butler, who had arrived from South Carolina that morning, having started from home when he heard of the assault, made a brief explanation, chiefly to the effect that he had not for a long time recognized Sumner in debate, but, restrained by friends, reserved himself for a later day. With Toombs's approval of the assault in open Senate, Northern senators could not longer remain silent. Wade, following Butler, said:— Mr. President, it is impossible for me to sit still and hear the principle announced which I have heard on this occasion. As to the facts connected with this matter, I know nothing about them, and of them I have nothing to say. I am here in a pretty lean minority; there is not, perhaps, more than one fifth part of the Senate who have similar opinions with my own, and those are very unpopular ones here; but when I hear it stated on the floor of the Senate that